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the essay was beautiful, but said he did not like the will always deem his most indispensable privilege. signature : the essay was signed “ Jules Simon Besides, his conscience told him that so immoral a Suisse.” That is a common-looking name," said deed as was the coup d'état could not be allowed to the great philosopher ; “ people won't like it. You pass without public expression on his part of disapwill never become famous under that name. Mind probation and disgust. What would the young men that readers are very queer about such trifles ; when to whom he was lecturing on philosophy and morals they don't like the name of the author, they don't think of him if he remained silent while his friends care for the book. Drop that word Suisse that and colleagues were being unjustly prosecuted means nothing, and call yourself Jules Simon ; it and ill treated ? Jules Simon was poor, and his Sorsounds better." Thus it happened that Jules Suisse became Jules Simon.

ENTRANCE TO POLITICAL LIFE. The Revolution of 1848 was approaching. The country was in a state of uneasiness, and there was much excitement among the young men about political and social reforms. While no one could foretell what was coming, yet every one felt that something of vast import was imminent. Louis-Philippe did not see his way out of the electoral question, simple as it was, and declined to yield before the will of the nation. He was dismissed from power, and the republican idea received a fresh start. Jules Simon had become deeply interested in politics. He considered that a republic was the only government that could improve the condition of the poor and follow a progressive and peaceful policy. He claimed that the monarchical root had dried up in French soil, that the world was growing tired of wars and miseries, and that the time had come when it would be the duty of the government to look after the material and moral welfare of the more numerous and less happy class. He was elected a member of the “ Assemblée Nationale” of 1848, and for two years was very active and full of hope as to the final success of his views. Then it became clear to all eyes that French democracy was still in its infancy, that true liberals were but a few, and that Louis Napoleon, who had been elected President, would easily find his way to the throne. Things, however, did not go on as quietly as was anticipated, and the republicans resisted, without the slightest hope of final success, but in order to emphasize the brutal and criminal character of the President's conduct. Several of them were sent to jail, and a great many were expelled from France and, under the most bonne salary represented his means of living. He severe penalties, forbidden to come back.

nevertheless did not hesitate, and on the occasion of The admirers of Napoleon the third need to be his first lecture, after the coup d'état was over, cenreminded how he secured the supreme power, and sured severely the President and his followers. He by what means he succeeded in his well-matured was dismissed immediately. Louis Napoleon was plan. In all, 27,764 citizens were prosecuted and bitterly disappointed at being rebuked by a man of cross-examined by the “commissions mixter,” an such value. Not only would he have willingly unlawful and vile parody of justice ; 239 were sent allowed Jules Simon to retain his professorship, but to Cayenne, 9,963 to Algeria, 1,999 were banished. he was ready to bestow upon him further advantages and 2,878 imprisoned. None of them was guilty, and honors, if only Jules Simon had consented not except of having republican ideas and of being anx to censure and disgrace the new régime. ious to save his country from the evils and dangers The times that followed proved very hard. It of despotism.

became most difficult to the republicans and liberals, Jules Simon was not arrested, but he was still who were not men of leisure, to earn their living. lecturing at the Sorbonne, and did not think it pos The liberty of the press had been suppressed and sible to hold his professorship if he was not to enjoy the government opposed its veto to any article, pamthe absolute freedom which a sincere-minded teacher phlet or book that would not agree with its own



principles and views. Jules Simon went to Belgium, and there, for eight years, delivered courses of lectures, at Ghent, Liege and Antwerp, on philosophical and political subjects. Then he was chosen as a candidate by the Parisians for the elections of 1863. The movement in favor of free government had become so strong that the Emperor himself was leaning toward liberalism, and although the press was not yet entirely eased from its fetters, members of parliament were now allowed to state their opinions and give their advice on public affairs. Jules Simon was elected by 17,809 votes out of 28,689. In 1867 his speech on the Italian and Roman question created a great sensation. His popularity was then so decided that at the 1869 elections 100,000 votes were cast for his name all over France. He was elected simultaneously in Paris and the Gironde Department. He opposed with all his might the absurd policy that led to the war of 1870, as did ali the other republicans. But the imperialist majority followed its leaders blindly, who looked forward to a great war as the best means of strengthening the dynasty and providing for the unopposed accession, at no distant date, of the imperial crown prince to his father's throne. With such a motive was the war declared, and France hurled into the most dreadful disasters and miseries.

PRIME MINISTER. The startling news of the Sedan capitulation hav. ing reached Paris, public indignation was roused to such a pitch that nobody dared to stand in favor of a régime which had received its death-blow the moment its highest representative had surrendered to the enemy. The Republic was proclaimed on September 4, 1870, and a provisional government was formed. It was very fortunate that the deputies for Paris, who, under the necessity of providing for the relief of the country, formed the new government, should have numbered among them such men as Jules Favre, Gambetta, Jules Ferry, Ernest Picard, Emmanuel Arago and Jules Simon. Had it not been enforced ard controlled by these nobleminded and enlightened citizens, the newly proclaimed republic would have sunk at once into the revolutionary ocean.

Jules Favre undertook, as Minister of Foreign Affairs, to raise the sympathies of the great European powers, and induce their leaders to interfere. He failed, as every statesinan would have failed under such circumstances, and a little later had to discuss with Prince Bismarck the terms of peace. Jules Simon was Minister of Public Instruction. He at once made several reforins which proved satisfactory. He gave an impulse to the study of geography and foreign languages, two subjects which were somewhat neglected in French colleges. During M. Thiers' presidency, from 1871 to 1873, he remained at the head of the Department of Public Instruction and did inuch good. In 1879 he was elected life-member of the new Senate, and on the very day he became a senator the Académie Fran

çaise called him to fill M. de Rémusat's seat. He was then the chief editor of the Siècle, and the moderate republicans gathered around him as their ablest leader. In 1876 Marshal de MacMahon, who had succeeded Thiers as President of the French Republic, asked him to form a cabinet and Jules Simon became Prime Minister. This, however, was to be the end of his purely political career. The President had been led, against his own will, to place Jules Simon at the head of the government. He did not care for his republicanism, neither did he trust his conservatism. Jules Simon, in fact, was as true a conservative as he was a republican ; but what Mar: shal MacMahon called conservatism was reaction, and Jules Simon was no reactionary. He wished the state to be free from church influence, and be. lieved in the spreading of culture downward. At this time there was much excitement among French Roman Catholics on the question of the Pope's dominions. Meetings were held, speeches delivered, and manifestoes issued in favor of the restoration of his “temporal power.” The Prime Minister, while feeling inuch respect for the Pope's character, and anxious for the true interests of Roman Catholi. cism, was anxious to crush any movement that could offend the Italian government. This he did with great firmness. Marshal MacMahon was frightened at what he considered a yielding to the radicals, and, contrary to all law and precedent, summarily dismissed the Prime Minister. Jules Simon felt so exasperated at being treated in this way that he never sought public political life again.

WORKING FOR PUBLIC GOOD. He devoted himself to the guiding of public opinion toward social reforms, such as the relief of des. titute children and the improvement of the workmen's condition. The list of the articles he wrote, the meetings he presided over, the societies he founded, would fill a whole book. Not only was he an assiduous member of the French Academy, but he had been chosen as “secretaire perpetuel” (honorary life secretary) of the Moral and Political Science Academy, and was thus one of the busiest among the members of the French Institute. It is not usually known outside of France that the “In. stitut de France" is a large body that meets only once a year, and the rest of the time is divided into five academies: the French Academy, numbering 40 renowned writers, poets and dramatists; the Medical Academy, the Fine Arts, Sciences, and Moral and Political Science academies. It is not uncommon for a man who has achieved fame in more than one line to belong to two of these bodies. Such was the case with Jules Simon. As a journalist he contributed regular articles to the Temps and the Matin. His most remarkable works are: Dieu, Patrie, Lib erté, in defense of religious and political freedom ; Nos hommes d'Etat ; La liberté de penser; La liberté civile; Thiers, Guizot, Rémusat, an essay on three of France's foremost statesmen ; L'école ; L'ou

vrière ; La femme au XXieme Siècle, a criticism of the principles on which is conducted the education of women of our days, etc. Although he was gifted with an excellent memory, he used to claim that his own writings were forgotten as soon as they were published. The reason was he had so many things to say and so many undertakings to forward that he did not care to waste his time recalling what was done already. The welfare of children and young men stood nearer to his heart than anything. He founded the “Union pour le sauvetage de l'En. fance,” that takes care of orphans and abandoned children and protects them through their early life. He was president of the “ Association Polytechnique,” for the promotion of knowledge and the organization of evening schools ; of the Association pour le bien des aveugles," that helps blind people ; of the Anti-Atheist League and the society against immoral literature and street licentiousness. He had been an early advocate of school gymnastics, and when I called on the French Athletic Union to favor my scheme for the introduction of athletics into the colleges, he at once supported me. One after another, athletic college clubs were formed and joined the union, of which he became honorary president. It was pleasant to see him on the Bois de Boulogne grounds, where the intercollegiate championship games are held. His usual routine was to leave the stand and go on the track talk to the boys and encourage them. When the meet was over, before handing the usual prizes to the victors, he used to make a little speech full of humor and enthusiasm, and then as he returned to his carriage amid the waving of caps and shouts of “ Vive Jules Simon," he would be repeatedly cheered until his vehicle was lost to sight.

Simon being the head. Among them was also M. Burdeau, a clever and patriotic Frenchman, who became afterward Minister of Marine, and died in 1894 as President of the Chamber of Deputies. The conference was a great body of prominent men from every country in Europe and abroad. Although the result proved small and not at all what had been anticipated, the meeting of such men in the metropolis of the German Empire marked a turning point in the history of modern times. Jules Simon was by far the most illustrious of them all, and met with an extremely courteous reception. The Emperor expressed appreciation of his work in flattering words. When the conference was over a reception was given at the palace in honor of the delegates. The Empress, on that evening, came to Jules Simon and said: “ Eh bien, Monsieur Jules Simon, voici le monde qui a mis sa signature au bas de L'ouvrière"-(The world has countersigned your book, L'ouvrière), alluding thus to the complete triumph of the great philosopher's ideas. Jules Simon has published since in the Revue de Paris an interesting article on Wilhelm II. One can admire, in reading it, the dignified and manly way in which the noble Frenchman expressed his gratitude toward the Emperor for his many kindnesses. Nor did the Emperor forget him. When the news of his death reached Berlin, Wilhelm II. sent a telegram to M. Felix Faure, deploring the loss that France had sustained, and later a splendid wreath of flowers bearing the imperial monogram was placed on the tomb by the German Ambassador.



He had been among the very first in his country who advocated wholesome lodgings for workmen as a necessary step toward their moral improvement, and when the movement was started by the Elsas. sian manufacturers, he wrote an enthusiastic description of the Mulhausen “cités ouvrières,” and instigated others to follow their good example. He also, on many occasions, criticised severely the harsh treatment of women in the workshops and factories, and insisted on the usefulness of protective legislation to prevent hard labor being imposed upon them. His book L'ouvrière, published as early as 1863, had made its way the world over. Thus he had come to the front as a philanthropist and a scholar in social science. When the German Emperor called an international conference to meet in Berlin to inquire into the condition of the working people and examine the possibility of legislating on the subject, the French government sent a message to Jules Simon, asking him to represent France at the conference. This was in 1890. Jules Simon was growing old. He nevertheless willingly consented. A delegation of five was appointed, Jules

For more than 50 years Jules Simon lived in his apartment on the Place de la Madeleine, in Paris. The house, an old-style and unpretentious one, belongs to the Prince de Brogliò. On the first floor were M. Meilhac's rooms and den. The witty writer and dramatist loves Paris so intensely that he is said to acknowledge frankly that when he goes out of its fences, it is only for the pleasure of coming in again. On the fourth floor there is a milliner. Jules Simon's apartment was on the fifth floor. The house has no elevator, and till the end he often climbed the long flights of stairs twice or three times a day. His study was filled with books, medals and portraits. In the middle was his desk, crowded with letters and manuscripts. He used to answer every letter immediately, and never dictated, except for a short time, toward the last, when his sight failed suddenly, and he had to undergo an operation. Thousands of people had learned their way to his house, the foremost men and the humblest, the richest and the poorest, and none is said to have ever been rebuked. Hs grumbled a little at first at being so often interrupted when writing an article or preparing some inaugural address or a senatorial speech. But almost immediately his kind and lovely smile would reappear on his lips and brighten his face; and he would listen with great care and atten

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tion to what the visitor had to say, especially if he state paying the expense, which amounted to more were miserable and shy, and M. Simon felt he could than 20,000 francs. The church was splendidly be of help to him in any way. Thus giving away decorated with black and white hangings, tricolor his time for the benefit of other people and the good flags, and large shields upon which monograms of of his country, he never thought of himself, and, M. Simon and the Republic were entwined. The like many of the leading republicans in France, Prime Minister, the government officials and the he died poor. His beloved and devoted wife shared foreign ambassadors were present, besides a vast his noble life and made his home comfortable concourse of the people. for him.

A committee has already been formed to raise A priest of the Roman Catholic Church stood by money from private subscriptions to erect a monuhis death bed and pronounced over him the supreme ment. The chairman of the committee is M. Loubet, words of blessing. Although a freethinker in the ex-Prime Minister and President of the French purest sense of the word, he was strongly attached Senate. to the Christian faith. None of his colleagues will

A PHILOSOPHER'S DEATH. ever forget his vehement speech of March, 1882, in the French Senate. He was pleading for some sort Jules Simon was as modest as he was able. He of religious teaching to be given in the state schools had often expressed a wish that there might not be against those who were in favor of godless educa too much laudation around his tomb. He had also tion. His words have often been quoted since: mentioned a desire to be told when death was ap“Our duty, as lawgivers, is to inscribe the name of proaching. A friend fulfilled this sad duty. The God in the laws we make, just as it is our duty, as philosopher showed no signs of emotion or fright on republicans, to silence the foes of the Republic who hearing the terrible news. As he could speak no dare to say that impiety and republic are synony longer, he motioned for a pencil and a piece of mous. We are bound to do it also, because we have paper, and with a steady hand wrote his own episoldiers who are ready to die for their country, and taph: “Jules Simon-1814-1896. Dieu, Patrie, when you send a man to death, you must be able to Liberté ;” his name, the year of his birth and the tell him that God sees him."

year of his death, and the beautiful motto that had Jules Simon's funeral took place amidst great commanded and ruled his whole life: “God, Coun. solemnity in the Church of the · Madeleine, the try, Liberty!”




the head of every list of possible Presidential candi.

dates made up for 1860. N the October McClure's Miss Ida M Tarbell How barren Lincoln's public career in compari

brings together some fresh material in regard son ! Three terms in the lower house of the State to the famous debates of Lincoln and Douglas in the Assembly, one term in Congress, then a failure race for the Illinois senatorship in 1858. There is a which drove him from public life. timely interest in this dramatic campaign from the The points at which the debates were held covered fact that Knox College, at Galesburg. Ill., is about the whole State and the journeys were made at the to celebrate, on October 7, the important joint expense of exhaustive exposure and fatigue. Both debate which took place there in 1858 in a most contestants spoke almost every day during the interimpressive manner, which is discussed in detail in

vals between the joint debates, and as railroad com. another department of this magazine.

munication in Illinois in 1858 was still very incomFrom the very beginning Lincoln had a hard time plete, they were often obliged to resort to horse, in meeting the views even of his old friends the carriage or steamer, Judge Douglas, however, Republicans. His speech on the day of his nomina succeeded in making this difficult journey something tion was severely criticised by his followers as being of a triumphal procession. He was accompanied too radical and sectional.

throughout the campaign by his wife, a beautiful “ The speech was, in fact, one of great political and brilliant woman, and by a number of distin. adroitness. It forced Douglas to do exactly what guished Democrats. On the Illinois Central he had he did not want to do in Illinois-explain his own always a special car, and sometimes a special train. record during the past four years, explain the true Frequently he swept by Lincoln side-tracked in an meaning of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, discuss the accommodation or freight train. But on the prairies Dred Scott decision, say whether or not he thought themselves, where the crowd met to hear the fierce slavery so good a thing that the country could afford debates, the attention that Lincoln received would to extend it instead of confining it where it would have made up for the absence of state in other ways be in course of gradual extinction. Douglas wanted if it had not been that the ceremony of these ovations the Republicans of Illinois to follow Greeley's advice: was very embarrassing to him. He had too keen & * Forgive the past.' He wanted to make the most

sense of humor to appreciate the enthusiasm of a among them of his really noble revolt against the deputation of ladies who would present him with attempt of his party to fasten an unjust constitution flowers and wind a garland about his head and his on Kansas. Lincoln would not allow him to bask tall, lank figure. for an instant in the sun of that revolt. He crowded In the very first debate Lincoln scored a lasting him step by step through his party's record, and advantage through a weakness of Douglas in quoting compelled him to face what he called the 'profound wrongly a radical platform to which Lincoln was central truth' of the Republican party, ‘slavery is supposed to have subscribed. Douglas was unable wrong and ought to be dealt with as wrong.'” to explain the error and was almost universally

It seemed, in fact, as if the match between Douglas condemned. and Lincoln were anything but equal.

In the second debate, at Freeport, there came the “It was inevitable that Douglas' friends should most important utterance of a very important cam be sanguine, Lincoln's doubtful. The contrast be paign. Lincoln had prepared several questions to tween the two candidates was almost pathetic. ask Douglas, and the second of them was, in the Senator Douglas was the most brilliant figure in the opinion of his friends and advisers, too hazardous. political life of the day. Winning in personality,

It was: Can the people of a United States Territory fearless as an advocate, magnetic in eloquence, in any lawful way, against the wish of any citizen shrewd in political maneuvring, he had every quality of the United States, exclude slavery from its limits to captivate the public. His resources had never prior to the formation of a State constitution ?” failed him. From his entrance into Illinois politics “Lincoln had seen the irreconcilableness of in 1834 he had been the recipient of every political Douglas' own measure of popular sovereignty. honor his party had to bestow. For the past eleven which declared that the people of a Territory would years he had been a member of the United States be left to regulate their domestic affairs in their own Senate, where he had influenced all the important way, subject only to the constitution, and the deci. legislation of the day and met in debate every strong sion of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case speaker of North and South. In 1852, and again in that slaves, being property, could not under the con. 1856, be had been a strongly supported, though stitution be excluded from a Territory. He knew unsuccessful, candidate for the Democratic Presi that if Douglas said no to this question, his Illinois dential nomination. In 1858 he was put at or near constituents would never return him to the Senate.

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