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tary purposes, by which all parts of the globe are IS ENGLAND HOSTILE TO SILVER? brought into financial touch with each other.

HE editor of the National Review (London) com“The Western men have got it into their heads

plains that Great Britain is the great bugbear that Lombard Street is the golden Juggernaut that

of American bimetallists, and is being “held up to has crushed silver. It is on a gold basis certainly,

odium " throughout the United States in the present but it has never raised a finger to hurt silver or to discourage the use of it by countries which pre.

campaign. He protests against such procedure as

unjust to the British bimetallists. ferred it. Lombard Street has always said in such

“ The habit of pouring hatred, ridicule, and con. " Have a silver standard by all means, and

tempt upon England at every turn of their affairs make the best you can of it, so long as you let those

has become almost a second nature with American who prefer a gold standard also do the best they politicians, and so one accepts it as part of the order can with theirs.' “If we have succeeded in giving a clear idea of

of things. It is singularly unreasonable in this case, the distinctive functions of Lombard Street it will

and Americans should be shrewd enough to realize

that there is no country in the world more vitally be evident that there is no occasion for it to dis. criminate against silver as an international form of

interested than we are in terminating the chaos that

has reigned since the ill-considered, or rather the money. All forms of money find a natural and use

unconsidered, operations of the early seventies ful place in its operations. So far as its foreign

deprived international currency of its second string exchange business is concerned, the greater variety

-silver. No country benefited more from bimetalof moneys there are to arbitrate the more profitable

lism while it lasted than we did, and no country for it. With the monetary substances themselves,

has suffered more from the fall of prices, the disloor their comparative merits as measures of value, it

cation of trade, the pressure upon production, and has little to do. Its chief concern is with their rela. tive market values at a given moment and in a

the impoverishment of debtor communities, attrib

utable to that folly than we have. The Indian Emgiven place. ITS ONE AND ONLY TEST.

pire and our Far Eastern trade make the present

chaos as detrimental to this nation as to any other, “These are truisms in Europe, however unpalat

while the collapse of prices has been twice as disas. able they may be in Chicago. Moreover, our mone.

trous to the British farmer as to the Western farmer. tary standard has little to do with them, and it

The number of Englishmen alive to our true mone. might be materially modified without affecting them. The Populist threat of free coinage at six

tary interests is increasing by leaps and bounds. teen to one, so far from being alarming to Lom

The present House of Commons is largely bimetallic bard Street, would hurt it less than any other part

in its composition, and has recorded its views in a

favorable resolution, upon which the monometallists of Europe or America ; far less than it would hurt

did not care to divide. Moreover, the Ministry is Chicago, and infinitely less than it would hurt Mr. Bryan's own State of Nebraska, for the simple rea

pledged to reopen the Indian mints, which every

economist knows would be a splendid contribution son that Lombard Street could. sooner than any

toward the rehabilitation of silver. Lord Salisother disturbed quarter adapt itself to the change. It is the most fluid of all markets, the most difficult

bury's Cabinet, which only contains one thoroughto coerce or restrict, and the quickest to readjust

going monometallist, is indeed the most benevolent itself to changed conditions. Of all outsiders, it

toward bimetallism that has ever held power in has least interest in the vagaries of cheap money

this country.”

Four members of this Cabinet the editor groups mongers, being farthest removed from their reach. Whatever they offer it-gold, silver, greenbacks,

as “convinced bimetallists ”—Mr. Balfour, Mr. Sherman notes, or commercial bills it will take at

Chaplin, Sir M. White Ridley, and Lord James of the current market price, no more and no less. All

Hereford. Each of these gentlemen is a vice-presi

dent of the Bimetallic League, the object of which dollars come alike to it, no matter what they may be called, or how they may be rated to other dollars.

is “to urge upon the British Government the necesIts one and only test for them is what they may be

sity of co-operating with other leading nations for worth in pounds sterling."

the establishment, by international agreement, of

the free coinage of gold and silver, at a fixed ratio." A VEILED suggestion of the inevitable event ap- Lord Salisbury himself, Lord Lansdowne, Lord pears in the Dublin Review, with its minute and George Hamilton, Mr. Goschen, Lord Cross and most interesting description of Papal elections and Mr. Akers Douglas are classed as “ benevolent coronations, which those who are speculating about toward bimetallism ;” Mr. Chamberlain, Mr. the appointment of the next Pope would do well Walter Long, and Lord Balfour of Burleigh are reto study. It is curious to note that in the election garded as open minded” on the question, while of the Infallible One most ludicrous mistakes are Sir Michael Hicks-Beach is set down as distinctly made by the voting cardinals. Mr. A. Shield “ hostile," and five members remain unclassified. gives a very vivid account of the Cardinal of York, The editor concludes: the brother of Prince Charlie, and the last of the “Such being the disposition of our political leadill starred Stuarts.

ers, it is absurd to represent this country as the

uncompromising foe of American wishes. The truth is that the interests of both nations are identical, but both have the misfortune to be to some extent held in bondage by Rothschilds, Vanderbilts, and other products of our common civilization, not easy to persuade and most difficult to dethrone.”

is the extent to which Ministers have weakened the parliamentary party system. As to this he is quite certain :

It is not as if our party system-for which no one has yet suggested a tolerable substitute-remained at the end of the first session of the new Parliament no weaker than at the beginning. It is distinctly weaker than when this Parliament met ; and it has been weakened at its foundations. I can but think that a great opportunity-one which, if turned to good account, would have made at least one coali. tion glorious has been misused.”

BLA

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THE RECENT SESSION OF PARLIAMENT.

The Cause of the Great Fallure. LACKWOOD” in its article entitled “The

Last Chapter of Party History,'' makes no bones about emphasizing the fiasco of the Education act. It says :

“Here we see an administration at the head of a commanding majority, conducted by men of consummate ability and great parliamentary experience, strong in numbers, strong in brains, and strong in their acquaintance with business, completly foiled by a feeble minority numbering only one man in its ranks who has any claim to be called a statesman of the first class. The fact itself is of immense significance.

“The causes of this one great failure we have endeavored to trace with brevity. They are three in number : Miscalculation, obstruction, disorganization. The first was really very trifling, and without the other two would have done no harm. The sec. ond was the immediate and obvious agent in bringing about this unfortunate result. The third is a legacy from 1886, when a reconstruction of the party system became necessary--a reconstruction which is still in progress, and therefore necessarily the source of some embarrassments. Great allowances must be made for the leader of a party during this period of transformation. But it cannot go on forever. Either it must terminate very soon, or some new way of carrying on the Queen's government must be found. Deference to sections which are in the party, but not of it, may be carried so far as to make confusion worse confounded, and even perhaps to check the more complete amalgamation of other and more congenial elements.”

Mr. Greenwood's Lament. Mr. Greenwood, in the Contemporary Review, wrings his hands bitterly over what he regards as the sacrifice of a great opportunity by the Unionist Ministry. He has never been able to reconcile himself to the commanding position which the Liberal Unionists have been allowed to occupy in the Cabinet, and he sees in the history of the late session only too much to justify his forebodings. He is naturally wroth at the release of Daly, the dynamitard, and he can hardly speak for tears concerning the Irish Land act. He says :

“Everybody who knows the new Irish Land bill also knows that much in it signifies and clearly signifies a complete abandonment of Conservative principle for the Gladstonian idea."

But far worse than any betrayal of Irish landlords

Mr. Chaplin's Failure. The editor in his monthly survey falls foul of Mr. Chaplin, whom he regards as one of the failures of the Ministry. He sa

“Mr. Chaplin has shown himself to be quite incapable of understanding the principle or expounding, the details of even a secondary measure, and his conduct of the Rating bill left everything to be desired.-in fact, he treated it as a mere pero-Rating bill. It is to be hoped that the London Water bill with which we are threatened next year will be confided to different hands. Mr. Hanbury, the Financial Secretary to the Treasury, has disappointed the expectations encouraged by the acumen and zeal which he has displayed for some twenty years as a Treasury critic, and Mr. St. John Brodrick has failed to get a single one of the important military bills entrusted to him on the statute book, which must be due to a singular want of diplo. macy.”

A Word to Mr. Balfour. An anonyinous writer in the Fortnightly Review, in an article entitled “The Schoolmaster of St. Stephen's," takes upon himself to hint mildly that Mr. Balfour is not quite up to his work, and that he had better endeavor to improve next session. Speaking of Mr. Balfour's leadership, he says :

* In his anxiety, perhaps praiseworthy, certainly not imperceptible, to avoid the tendency to play to the gallery which characterized his former associate, Lord Randolph Churchill, Mr. Balfour at times seems in danger of mistaking a highly superior indifference to the public opinion of the Chamber which he leads for independence and strength in its leader. The consequences revealed themselves with increasing frequency as the session drew to its close. The weekly droppings of journalistic gush may, unless Mr. Balfour is careful, have the proverbial effect of the water falling on the stone, and may yet undermine instead of assuring his position. Perhaps, therefore, it may not seem impertinent to suggest that when Mr. Balfour's visit to Hawarden has closed, it would not be altogether lost time if, instead of the strains of Wagner at Bayreuth, the sands of St. Andrews, or the levels of Berwick, the leader of the House of Commons were to cultivate, under the auspices of Sir William Harcourt at Mal. wood, the genius and the traditions of the parlia.

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mentary management whose most successful ex. ponent was the jaunty and virile master of the contiguous Broadlande."

Justin McCarthy's Views. In the North American Review for September, Mr. Justin McCarthy makes some caustic remarks on the failures of the session:

“ The programme of the session was crammed full of measures, every one of which was to have proved to the country what practical administrators the Tory statesmen were and what good they could do for England, Ireland, Scotland and Wales, now that Mr. Gladstone and his Home Rule policy were out of the way. What now is to come of all these promises ? There is no time left to give a chance to any substantial part of the legislation which the government announced that it was its business to carry to success. The one great declaration of the Tory statesmen when they took office was that they were going to do substantial good for the people of Great Britain and Ireland and not to waste any time in absurd and impossible schemes of Home Rule for Ireland Ireland they were going to satisfy by a great measure of land tenure reform. England they were going to satisfy by an Education bill and various other measures of an equally practical nature. Scotland was to have something all to herself, and Wales some peculiar measures of propi. tiation. Each and every measure was to be of the practical and not the visionary order. Now I think the most disputatious minds will admit that the first business of practical statesmanship is to be practical. It is of little use calling one's self a practical statesman if one brings in measures which cannot be carried into law. But this is exactly the condition of the present Tory government. Whatever any one may say of Mr. Gladstone's Home Rule bill, it must be admitted that he carried it through the House of Commons and that it was rejected only by the House of Lords.

Whatever may be thought of Mr. Balfour's Education bill, it must be admitted that it had to be withdrawn from the House of Commons. There is actually no time left in the present session during which to carry any substantial measures through Parliament. The Tory members are almost all of them gentlemen who are given up to the moors at the regular season, and whom the stoutest cart-ropes could not hold in their places at Westminster after the 12th of Au. gust. Most of the government measures will be withdrawn just as the Educational bill was withdrawn. Nobody cares about the Irish Land Tenure bill, except a few Irish landlords, and these do not care about it in its original form, and only stick to it in the hope that it may be so much improved in their sense as to give them some direct advantages. Therefore there is no rashness in the assumption that the session of 1896 is an absolutely wasted session. In truth, the huge majority of the Tories was in one sense a disadvantage to them. It made them too confident and cocksure."

LI HUNG CHANG. What He Thought of England. N the United Service Magazine for September an

anonymous writer, who evidently knows what he is writing about, gives some account of the impressions of Li Hung Chang. It would seem that Li left Great Britain firmly determined to introduce railways into China without any loss of time.

“I think I may say that he has quite come to the conclusion that of all forms of travel, the most comfortable is a good saloon carriage, with comfortable seats or sofas, in a railway on a well laid line. On one occasion, when he had been driven some ten miles out of London in one of Lord Lonsdale's excellent carriages, he peremptorily declared that nothing should induce him to go back that way, and he returned by a special train.

“ Visions of the dusty travelers who arrived at Eynesford rise before me when I hear of the emphasis with which the veteran Chinese statesman has announced his intention of as quickly as possible getting extensive railways introduced into China. The contrast of a thoroughly dusty road immediately preceding the transit by a well conducted special train, with a special saloon, charmingly decorated with flowers, and with ample room to move or be moved about, may not have been unfortunate or unimportant if its effect on the body and mind of Li Hung Chang leads to the early introduction of railways into that vast Empire.

Very striking, too, was the fact, to which those who saw him at Portsmouth all testify, that the thing about which he was even then most interested was the story he had heard of our Horse Artillery guns traveling wherever cavalry could go, and that they could go at a rapid pace over banks and ditches. Of the power of our fleet he was well aware, but for him, so far as army training was concerned, the point of importance was not the numbers that we could put in the field at Aldershot or elsewhere, but the nature of the training we are able to impart. Egypt and India and his own experience with Gordon have taught him what sort of armies English officers can make out of native troops. What he wanted to see was a specimen of some of our training at home. No one who watched the keen eye and vivid interest with which he watched, as a specimen of horsemanship, the musical ride, or the eagerness with which he saw the Horse Artillery gallop past and then ride over the manèges on Woolwich Common could have much doubt what was passing throngh his mind, and it may make itself better known hereafter. The tone of the press in Russia, Germany and France was one of disappointment that he had not been more amazed than he was at what he saw."

A French View of Li, A well known French missionary, Père Coldre, in the Rerue de Paris, gives a curious account of

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Li Hung Chang, from a French and slightly critical point of view; but the article is one of the most notable contributions to French periodical literature, and is written by one who has had the advantage of knowing both the man and the country he describes.

Père Coldre draws a striking contrast between the Chinese and Japanese Envoys sent by their re. spective countries to the Czar's Coronation. Marshal Yamagata, the brilliant little Japanese soldier, was clothed in the freshest of European uniforms. Li, majestically draped in the ample robes of a Mandarin, might have been a contemporary of Confucius. The following facts about our late Chinese visitor are not without interest. Born on February 16, 1823, he comes of a cultivated and literary Chinese family ; he was educated with the greatest care, and became in his twenty-fourth year what we should style First Wrangler, in an examination which gathers together all the intellectual élite of China. There was at that time nothing of the soldier in Li Hung Chang, for it was not until the year 1850 that the great rebellion turned China into a vast battlefield, and ultimately caused the death of twenty million men. Then followed years of fighting; and it was not until 1866, says Père Coldre, that Li first entered into relations with General Gor. don. The writer evidently believes that the Chinese Bismarck allowed and even promoted the late Japanese Chinese conflict. The incognate collection of provinces which go to make up the Chinese Empire had become torpid, and Li Hung Chang saw that nothing he could do would rouse them from their apathy. In spite of all his efforts, bribery and corruption reigned supreme, and although he worked unceasingly at the strengthening of the army and the fleet, he saw that only a war--and a war at this prticular stage--would save his country. Once peace was declared. Li Hung Chang proved his extraordinary cleverness, and, thanks to his marvelous astuteness and diplomatic ability, China has come out of the affair with no loss of territory and with the payment of a comparatively small indemnity. One result of his late tour in Europe will be the ex patriation of a hundred German officers, who, tempted by the promise of enormous “pay," will reorganize the Celestial army.

JOHN BULL'S INTERESTS IN SAMOA.

Who is the Predominant Partner? N the Westminster Review for September, Mr. J.

F. Rose-Soley publishes an elaborate paper on German and English interests in Samoa, which will not be read with satisfaction at Berlin. For Mr. Rose-Soley's point is that, excepting the great firm of Goeddefroy, which might be bought out tomorrow by any English capitalist-its interests being purely commercial -Samoa is virtually a British settlement.

GOEDDEFROY ET PRÆTEREA NIHIL. Mr. Rose-Soley's paper is a valuable feature of the extent to which a single commercial firm can create a political interest and establish a position which becomes essential to an Imperial policy. But in Samoa, outside Goeddefroy's firm, the Germans are nowhere. Mr. Rose-Soley says:

“Once we have done with the German firm and its plantations we have done practically with Ger. man influence in Samoa. If the German company, as is quite feasible, were to be bought out to-morrow by an English or French syndicate, the national interest in the group would entirely cease. The removal of this one company would leave British in. fluence predominant in every direction, whether in the matter of land, population, or wealth. Let us take possession inland first. The Germans own 75,000 acres, nearly the whole of which belongs to the German firm; the British came next, with 36,000 acres and following were the Americans, with 21,000 acres; the French, with 1,300 acres; and the people of various nationalities with 2,000 acres. Of the cultivated land, 8, 100 acres went to the Ger. mans, 2,900 to the British, 500 to the Americans, 780 to the French, and the balance to people of various nationalities. Thus Germany again stands first on the list, but if we deduct the area (7,850 acres) of the plantations owned by the firm, the German landed interest takes the lowest place. Even in the matter of residential white population, Germany. in spite of her many plantation employees, does not come first. Great Britain leads with 193 residents. The Germans are next with 122, then come the Americans, 46; a number, however, which includes 20 Mormon missionaries. There are only 26 Frenchmen, and the total foreigners resident in the group is but 412.

SAMOA ENGLISH BY LANGUAGE“Out of the German population, nearly one-half are employed by the German firm; the balance are mainly store-or hotel keepers. The professional men, the lawyers, accountants, and so on, are of the English race, the two newspapers published in Apia are printed in the English language, the head of Victoria appears on all the coin in circulation, and the natives, whenever they speak a foreign tongae at all, speak English. The German language has no bold on the land; it is spoken only among a limited

THE Land of Sunshine, edited by Charles F. Lum. mis, is now in its fifth volume ; its pages breathe the spirit of Southern California and the great Southwest. The series of illustrated articles by Mr. Lummis on The Southwestern Wonderland," the description of “The Old California Vaquero by Flora Haines Loughead, and the entertaining account of Southern California Indian life and cus. toms by David P. Barrows, which we find in the August number, are among the representative contributions which have recently appeared in this unique periodical. The Overland must look to its laurels.

-AND BY RELIGION.

circle, and for all intercourse with natives, or busi- away, the trial in question will be regarded as reness correspondence, the Teuton has to fall back on dounding to the credit of British law, of British English. It is a significant fact that the German administration, or of British policy. It would be firm, though it employs exclusively clerks of its own absurd for me to discuss the technical legal issues nationality, keeps its books in English. The import on which the case turned. returns are decidedly in favor of the British, for out “ Ac rding to the interpretation now placed upon of £90,000 worth of goods imported in 1894, £75,500 the Foreign Enlistment act by the trial at bar, the came from Great Britain and her colonies, £16,600 Englishmen who sympathized with Kossuth in Hundirect from Germany, and the balance from the gary, with Mazzini and Garibaldi in Italy, with United States.

Ledru Rollin and Louis Blanc in France, and who aided and abetted their atteinpts to overthrow the

established governments of their respective coun“It is more than sixty years since the London

tries would, one and all, if the ruling of the court Missionary Society first commenced operations in

had been accepted in their day, have been guilty of Samoa, and to-day the whole group is nominally

criminal offenses against the law of England. I do converted to Christianity. As far as all outward

not wish to mention names of individuals. Most signs go, the Samoan of today is a most devout

of us--I myself among the number-have seen Christian.

cause of later years to modify the opinions of our “The missionary of to day has become a school

hot youth, of the days when we, as young men, master rather than an evangelist. Thus we arrive

dreamed dreams' with respect to political refugees. at the significant fact that the Samoan people have

But this much I can honestly say, that if as late as been, and are being, entirely educated by the mis

1870 the Foreign Enlistment act had been understood sions. The utterly incapable and impecunious

to render it impossible for Englishmen to show acSamoan government contributes not a penny to

tive sympathy on behalf of foreign revolutionists ward the cost of teaching its own people. The

without rendering themselves liable to be punished work has been performed almost entirely by English

as criminals in the courts of their own country, the money and English brains. The London Missionary

act would have had as little chance of being passed Society, first in the field, has done the giant's share,

by the British Parliament as Doctor Barnard, a few and to day it claims as adherents some 27,000 Sa

years before that date, had of being convicted by an moans. In the absence of a census, whether religious

English jury for having conspired against the author or secular, exact figures as to population are not ob

of the Coup d'Etat. I am not saying that this poputainable, but it is estimated that the group is inhab

lar sentiment was right, I am only saying that it did ited by about 35,000 natives. Of this number the

exist, and that the mere fact of its existence would Roman Catholics, who have many workers in the

have been fatal to the passing of the act in question, field, may have 5,000 converts, the Wesleyans per

if it had been even rumored that it might be con. haps an equal number, the remainder belonging to

strued as debarring Englishmen from ‘aiding and the London Mission. Thus, with the exception of

abetting' foreigners who had risen in insurrection the small French Catholic Mission, the whole credit

against their own established governments. of Christianizing these islands belongs to the Eng

“It is worth while to consider how the principles lish, an achievement which certainly ought to rank

enunciated in the recent trial would work in prachigher than the purchase of a few thousand acres of

tice under contingencies of by no means improbable land, at a low price, from half savage native chiefs."

Supposing the Turks should elect to put down the Cretan insurrection by the same sys

tem of wholesale massacre and outrage by which THE CONVICTION OF DR. JAMESON & CO.

they restored order in Armenia, there would, in all

likelihood, be foreign expeditions fitted out to assist A Dangerous Development.

the insurgents.” R. EDWARD DICEY contributes to the Fort.

Does any one imagine that in such a case as this nightly Review an article on this subject, in

the persons who were risking their all in order to which he expresses misgivings that have occurred

aid an oppressed population, struggling, and to many minds as to the extraordinary development rightly struggling, to be free, should be sent to which the principle of the Foreign Enlistment act

jail as Dr. Jameson ? Mr. Dicey rightly thinks that has received at the hands of the Lord Chief Justice.

such a doctrine would be repelled with horror by QUESTIONED.

the national conscience, yet it follows logically from Mr. Dicey says :

the Lord Chief Justice's ruling. “I think it well to point out that there are various

Approved. aspects of the trial at bar hardly justifying the general approval with which its result has been re- This is brought out very clearly by the enthusi. ceived. These aspects, as I hold, may involve very astic comments of the editor of the National Review, awkward consequences, and I greatly doubt whether, who heartily indorses the doctrine. The National when the sensation of immediate relief has passed

Review says :

occurence.

MR,

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