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"It has been the function of Lord Russell as the trampler on frivolous technicalities to put his heel on this great Rhodesian stand-by. The following exposition of the law of the Foreign Enlistment act from his lips shows that the promoter of an illegal expedition is in the eyes of the law in the same boat as the leader of it. For once the scapegoat system receives no sanction from the law: 'What must be proved to constitute an offense under the statute? It must be proved as the foundation of the offense that a person has, without the license of the Queen, in a place within her dominions where the act is in operation, prepared or fitted out a military expedition to proceed-that is, with the intention that it should proceed-against the dominions of a friendly state. It is not necessary to constitute the offense that it shall proceed, or shall have proceeded. cardinal point is the intention. The offense is complete if the person prepares, or assists in or aids and abets the preparation with that intention.

The

If that foundation is established, the statute applies, and these consequences follow: First, every person engaged in such preparation, or fitting out, or assisting in it, or aiding, abetting, counseling, or procuring it-that is to say, aiding, abetting, counseling, or procuring the preparation.' It will not, we think, be denied, even by Rhodesianism incarnate, that Mr. Rhodes' promotion of the raid brings him well within the law thus expounded. Indeed, a strong prima facie case exists against the millionaires which the government, to our minds, incur a grave responsibility in disregarding, and if for reasons of policy, which have not been divulged, it is decided not to prosecute Mr. Rhodes and Mr. Beit, a very damaging blow will be struck at the independence of British law, of which we hear so much on the strength of its success in dealing with comparatively small men.”

ENGLAND AND THE EASTERN QUESTION.
Various Voices.

AWRITER styling himself Ypsilonitis in the

Contemporary Review argues strongly in favor of England adopting the cause of Greece.

ENGLISH POLICY IN GREECE.

He maintains that recent events have completely destroyed any illusions at Athens as to the policy of Russia or France :

"French influence, once paramount in Greece, is now as dead as that of Russia has been for the last

thirty years. The Greeks now look exclusively to England; and it is to be fervently hoped that this tendency, remarkable for its unanimity and strength, will not be disregarded. Love of liberty, civilizing power, commercial aptitude, seafaring habits-all mark the Greeks as the only element in the Levant which offers a sure foothold to English policy. Slavs are irrevocably committed to subservience to Russia.

The

"If Crete is not now blockaded, if her sons can confidently hope for the satisfaction of their just demands, this is due to the supreme resolve of the great statesman who presides over the destinies of England, to be no longer a party to the maintenance of the most iniquitous rule which ever disgraced Europe. It is a departure so important that it will leave his name indelibly marked on the foreign policy of this country; it already centres in him the blessings, the confidence, and the hopes of those healthy elements in the East, upon which alone the prestige and power of England can safely rest."

In Armenia.

Prof. W. M. Ramsay, writing on "The Two Massacres in Asia Minor," draws a parallel between the massacre sanctioned by Diocletian and the massacro of the Armenians in our own time. The latter he evidently thinks the worse of the two. The conclusion of his article is that unless we are prepared to deliver the Armenians, we had better get them killed quickly.

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That it should be burned alive in thousands, slain in tortures in thousands more, killed by famine and nakedness and cold in tens of thousands, should surely gain for it some mercy in the judg ment of the Western nations; but that the scheme should be deliberately carried out to ensure by a system of outrage that no Armenian woman over a large tract of country shall become the mother of an Armenian child, is an enormity such as surely never before entered into the mind of man to devise. And yet the civilized peoples stand idly by and talk, and allow this poisoning of the fountains of life to proceed month after month unchecked; surely mere selfish apprehension of the punishment that must follow such callous indifference to crimes should have roused them to action. Winter will soon be upon Armenia again, with snow lying deep for many months; the people will be almost naked, quite starving. Let us remember this time that the kindest way is to let them die quickly, and not dole out again enough bread to preserve them for longer misery. Let us kill them outright, rather than save them to suffer."

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THE TITLES OF THE CZAR.

After the crowning of the Czar and his wife, the Emperor again taking the sceptre and globe, sat in his throne, while the deacon, in tones throbbing with exultant joy, proclaimed the imperial titles. Louder and louder rose his voice as the long list went on, till it rolled through the building and broke upon the ear in almost overwhelming waves of sound. Rarely could the majestic effect of territorial names be more distinctly recognized, or more magnificently expressed: To our mighty Lord, crowned of God, Nicolas Alexandrovitch, Emperor and Autocrat of all the Russias, of Moscow, Kieff, Vladimir, Novgorod, Czar of Kazan, Czar of Astrachan, Czar of Poland, Czar of Siberia, Czar of the Tauric Chersonese, Czar of Georgia ; Lord of Pskoff; Grand Duke of Smolensk, Lithuania, Volhynia, Podolia and Finland; Prince of Esthonia, Livonia, Curland, and Semgallen, of Bielostok, Coria, Tver, Ingria, Perm, Viatka, Bulgaria, and other lands; Lord and Grand Duke of Nijni Novgorod, of Tchernigoff, Riazan, Polotelsk, Rostoff. Jaroslavz, Bielolersk, Udoria, Obdoria, Condia, Vitebsk, Mstislaff, and all northern lands, Ruler and Lord of the Iverskian, Kartalian, and Kabardimshian lands, as of the region of Armenia; Ruler of the Circassian and Hill princes and other lords; Heir of Norway; Duke of Schleswig-Holstein, Stornmarn, Ditmarsch, and Oldenburg; grant O Lord, a happy and peaceful life, health and safety, and prosperity in all good, victory and triumph over all his foes; and preserve him for many years.' The choir took up the refrain' for many years,' and repeated it antiphonally till the sounds softly died away. Again the deacon began: 'To his wife, the orthodox and religious crowned, and exalted Lady, the Empress Alexandra Feodrovna, for many years;' and again the choir repeated the good wish.

THE CZAR'S PRAYER IN THE SILENCE. "The coronation ceremony was now accomplished, and the bells clanged out and the cannons thun. dered, to announce the fact to the dense throng outside, who shouted out their joyful congratulations.

The members of the imperial family left their places and did homage. It was pathetic to see the wistful look in the face of the Dowager Empress as she tenderly embraced her son, and both were overcome by deep emotion. Then all others in the cathedral bowed low three times to the Emperor, who stood to receive this acknowledgment of their fealty. The bells and cannon ceased, and there was profound stillness, as the Emperor knelt, and in clear, earnest voice prayed for himself: Lord God of our fathers, and King of Kings, Who hast created all things by Thy word, and by Thy wis dom hast made man, that he should walk uprightly and rule righteously over Thy world: Thou hast chosen me as Czar and judge over Thy people. I acknowledge Thy unsearchable purpose toward me, and bow in thankfulness before Thy Majesty. Do Thou my Lord and Governor, fit me for the work to which Thou hast sent me teach me and guide me in this great service. May there be with Thee the wisdom which belongs to Thy throne; send it from Thy holy heaven, that I may know what is well pleasing in Thy sight, and what is right according to Thy commandment. May my heart be in Thy hand, to accomplish all that is to the profit of the people committed to my charge, and is to Thy glory, that so in the day of Thy judgment I may give Thee account of my stewardship without blame; through the grace and mercy of Thy Son, Who was once crucified for us, to Whom be all honor and glory with Thee and the Holy Ghost, the Giver of Life, for ever and ever. Amen.'"

DR. CREIGHTON'S IMPRESSIONS.

The Bishop, summing up the last total of his impressions, says:

"Such a ceremony cannot be measured by our standards; it was an expression of national sentiment, penetrated by a poetry and a passion unknown to us, or rather I should not say unknown in the sense of unfelt, but such as we should not care to express in any visible form. It was an exhibition of national self-consciousness upon a mighty scale, and as such produced a deep impression in all beholders. It focussed many national characteristics, and showed a serious sense of a great national mis. sion, with which every Englishman could feel himself in fundamental sympathy."

THE Bachelor of Arts issues a vacation number for August-September. The leading article is an appropriate eulogy of the late ex-Governor Russell of Massachusetts, by John T. Wheelwright. S. Scoville, Jr., writes on "The Proposed American Henley." Wm. H. Hale contributes an article on the novel topic of "The Monetary Standard." One of the best things in the number is an account of Poe's writing of "The Raven," by Francis Aymar Mathews. "Canada's Change of Government" is reviewed by Stanbury R. Tarr. There are the usual editorial, athletic and book departments.

THE MASSACRES AT VAN.
ANY who read Dr. Grace Kimball's account

of the relief work at Van as published in our April number were doubtless the more keenly interested in the newspaper reports of the atrocities committed there by the Turks less than three months later. Miss Kimball's own story of these outrages has been graphically told in several recent publications. We quote below from her article in Lend a Hand for September:

"Van's turn came at last. The disturbances were brought about by the worst element from among the revolutionists-scamps from Russia and Bulgaria-men who had no local interests, no families, and no lands or property at stake, but who came as absolute dictators of the destiny of the entire community. The Armenians were too broken spirited and hopeless to oppose this energetic band of criminals, under the guise of heroes and patriots, and it is hard to say of whom the people stood most in fear, the incensed Turk, on the one hand, or these men, on the other, who insisted, under threats of murder-which were several times carried out-on quartering themselves on the peaceful inhabitants and demanding money and other assistance from them. So great was the terror they inspired that even in the relief work the native helpers were afraid to advise as to who should and who should not receive assistance, lest they incur the animosity of these men. For many months they used every means to force the young men to join, furnished them with arms brought from Russia and Persia, and dressed in a wild, striking sort of uniform, went back and forth by night, from one rendezvous to another, frequently meeting the Turkish patriot, and thus adding constantly to the smoldering fire of Turkish hatred and fanaticism. During the spring one of these bands met the patrol, was challenged, shots were exchanged, and a Turkish soldier killed. The authorities with difficulty calmed the wrath of the soldiers. Since Bahri Pacha's dismissal the local government, under Nagin Pacha, has honestly and successfully labored to defend the town against outbreaks, and the advent of this lawless band was, therefore, doubly unfortunate and fatal to the interests of the community at large.

"When the snows disappeared the revolutionists began, in spite of the warning and advice from the Governor-General, the British Vice-Consul and the American missionaries, to send armed bands against the Kurds, to avenge the wrong done the Armenians in the fall. So the government saw that no compromise was possible and that the city must be cleared of the revolutionists; their haunts were surrounded and searched by the police, but such is the configuration of the town that it was perfectly easy for the rebels to elude their pursuers. Finally the storm broke; at midnight on Sunday, June 14, an encounter took place at the edge of the town between the Turkish patrol and an armed band, the Armenians say, of Kurds smuggling salt; the Turks

say of revolutionists. A soldier and the officer in charge were badly wounded. By noon the long expected outbreak was well under way. In all quarters of the town, where the population was mixed, Turkish and Armenian, and in quarters abutting on Turkish neighborhood, crowds of hundreds of low Turks, Kurds, gypsies, and irregular soldiers and gendarmes arrived with guns and swords and every kind of weapon, and broke loose on the utterly defenseless and unsuspecting people. They swept from house to house, from street to street, from quarter to quarter, killing all whom they could reach, pillaging the houses of everything, and, in the case of better houses, destroying them by fire. It was, I think, due to the fact of the excessive poverty of the Turks, and especially the soldiers, that the pillaging engaged their attention most largely, and for this reason the killing was not so great as might have been expected from the terrible animosity existing. The greater part of the Armenians were able to save their lives by flight. Probably about 500 were killed, while many were badly wounded. The riot continued for eight consecutive days. When the affray was well begun the revolutionists took up fortified positions, and stood siege by the mob. Twelve or fifteen of these men, well armed, easily withstood all assaults, and inflicted severe loss on their opponents; probably 150 or 200 Moslems were thus killed, and for every Moslem killed the wave of fanatical frenzy rose higher. Soon after midnight of the fifth day, one or two mountain guns reduced these strongholds, and their doughty defenders sought refuge in the compact Armenian quarter, which had been protected by the British Vice-Consul. The government, acting in consultation with the British Consul, offered them the most easy and merciful terms of surrender, and these were urged as the only way to restore confidence and save their co-religionists from further violence and plunder, but the whilom leaders were too much impressed with the desirability of insuring their own lives to listen, and, now that they had precipitated the avalanche of destruction, they, with the arms they had brought with them, left for the mountains and secured personal safety across the Persian frontier. Thanks to Major Williams' herculean efforts, the compact Armenian quarter-something like a mile square-was largely saved, and for days the American mission, protected by the Union Jack, gave refuge to something like 15,000 people."

At the time when Dr. Kimball wrote, shortly after the outbreak, her relief department was giving out daily rations of bread or soup to over 15,000 people, fully 10,000 of whom were homeless and destitute.

Dr. Kimball throws much blame on the revolutionary party of the Armenians. Notwithstanding the savage and brutal character of the Turks, Dr. Kimball says that the local government acted well, largely because of the influence of the British Vice

Consul, Major Williams, who was probably the means of preventing a general slaughter of Christians.

AMERICA'S DUTY TO AMERICANS IN TURKEY. N an open letter to Senator Sherman published

Dr. Cyrus Hamlin, for many years a missionary in Turkey, replies with crushing force to the implication in one of the Senator's speeches that American missionaries in Turkey are beyond protection from their home government. He shows that existing treaty provisions are ample to secure all the rights accorded to "the most favored nation."

"Had our country defended the treaty rights of her citizens, as all the nations of Europe have defended theirs, the massacres that blot with innocent blood the last pages of the century would never have been perpetrated, as I shall briefly show.

"The present Sultan, Hamid, came to the throne with an inveterate dislike to all Armenians who would not apostatize and thus follow his mother's example. He began his career by displacing them from office. Many hundreds of them were in various offices of government. He next began to oppress their schools with new and vexatious requirements and to spoil their school-books by an absurd censorship. Many schools were closed, many school-books destroyed for containing forbidden words, such as courage,' ‚''patience,' 'patriotism,' 'progress.' In this work he encountered our schools, school-books, and teachers, and began cautiously his war upon them. He has destroyed our school-books printed and issued by the authority of his government and owned by Americans, an invasion of rights perpetrated upon Americans alone. Our government was often appealed to for redress, which was generally promised in the sweetest and most gracious words, of which our diplomats have been very proud. But no penalty was ever exacted, no promise was ever fulfilled, excepting the case of Mr. Bartlett's house, in which the moving force was the threat of an ironclad. Now every outrage thus treated during the last few years has been a distinct permission to go on to greater outrages upon property and personal rights. The Sultan has seen that it is a safe thing to perpetrate every indignity upon Americans and their property, until now the destruction of American property has amounted to nearly $200,000. Not a dollar would have been destroyed had our government from the beginning protected our rights as all the governments of Europe protect their citi

zens.

"It must be remembered that the destruction and the looting of the buildings at Harpoot, Marash, and other places were done in the presence of government officials and troops, and the plea' done by a mob' cannot be accepted.

"It must also be remembered that every building destroyed had been built in strict accordance with

all the laws of building; their plans, measurements and proposed uses had all been laid before the proper authorities and received their sanctions. The gov ernment in destroying such buildings and looting them of all their contents of furniture, food and clothing has gone back upon itself in its eagerness to show its contempt of America and Americans.' In all this the Sultan is backed up by Russia. No indemnity has been exacted, or if any demand has been made it is understood that some high Russian diplomat whispers that now is not the proper time to enforce it, and it is dropped. Thus the 'Great Republic' is justly the derision of other nations and cowers before a poor Sultan who cannot pay a piastre of his public debt, nor make the smallest loan in the money markets of Europe.

"No Turk has yet been punished for robbery, pillage, murder, rape, rapine, torture unto death of women and children, and the horrid work still goes on. Why should it not? The nations, our own nation especially, have for two years been giving the Sultan carte-blanche to do as he pleases; and his pleasure is the extermination of all Armenians who will not Islamize, the expulsion of the American missionaries, the destruction of their property, and the showing of himself as superior to all treaties and to all the claims of truth, justice, and humanity toward all men of the Christian faith."

AMERICAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO CIVILIZATION.

TH

HE October Atlantic Monthly begins with an important article by President Charles W. Eliot, which he entitles "Five American Contributions to Civilization." The very first of these in importance is the advance the United States has made toward the abandonment of war.

"If the intermittent Indian fighting and the brief contest with the Barbary corsairs be disregarded, the United States have only had four years and a quarter of international war in the one hundred and seven years since the adoption of the Constitution. Within the same period the United States have been a party to forty-seven arbitrations, being more than half of all that have taken place in the modern world. The questions settled by these arbitrations have been just such as have commonly caused wars-namely, questions of boundaries, fisheries, damages inflicted by war or civil disturbances, and injuries to commerce. Some of them were of great magnitude, the four made under the treaty of Washington, May 8, 1871, being the most important that have ever taken place. Confident in their strength, and relying on their ability to adjust international differences, the United States have habitually maintained, by voluntary enlistment for short terms, a standing army and fleet which in proportion to the population are insignificant."

Professor Eliot places no belief in the sentiment

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The second eminent help which the United States has given to the progress of civilization President Eliot sees in the religious toleration to be found in America. "The church as a whole in the United States has not been an effective opponent of any form of human rights. For generations it has been divided into numerous sects and denominations, no one of which has been able to claim more than a tenth of the population as its adherents. The constitutional prohibition of religious tests as qualifications for office gave the United States the leadership among the nations in dissociating theological opinions and political rights. No one denomination or ecclesiastical organization in the United States has held great properties, or had the means of conducting its ritual with costly pomp or its charitable works with imposing liberality. No splendid architectural exhibitions of church power have interested or overawed the population. On the contrary, there has pre vailed in general a great simplicity in public worship until very recent years. Some splendors have been lately developed by religious bodies in the great cities, but these splendors and luxuries have been almost simultaneously exhibited by religious bodies of very different, not to say opposite kinds."

MANHOOD SUFFRAGE.

The third contribution is the safe development of manhood suffrage. He does not think that all the problems of suffrage have been solved in the experience of the United States, but many principles have been made clear which were not before comprehended, such as the fact that a gradual approach to universal suffrage is far more advantageous than a sudden leap; also that universal suffrage has an educational effect by permitting the capable to rise through all grades of society and thus stimulating personal ambition. President Eliot thinks that the actual experience of the American democracy proves: "1. That property has never been safer under any form of government; 2, that no people have ever welcomed so ardently new machinery, and new inventions generally; 3, that religious toleration was never carried so far, and never so universally accepted; 4, that nowhere have the power and disposition to read been so general; 5, that nowhere has governmental power been more adequate, or more freely exercised, to levy and collect taxes, to raise armies, and to disband them, to maintain public order, and to pay off great public debts,

national, state, and town; 6, that nowhere have property and well being been so widely diffused, and, 7, that no form of government ever inspired greater affection and loyalty, or prompted to greater personal sacrifices in supreme moments."

THE AMALGAMATION OF RACES.

The fourth and a very hopeful impetus which the United States has given to civilization is seen in the demonstration that people belonging to a great variety of races and nations are, under favorable circumstances, fit for political freedom. Not only in this century have a vast number of for eigners been assimilated in the life of the United States, and in many cases proved themselves serviceable citizens of the republic, but in the eighteenth century, before the Revolution broke out, there were English, Scotch, Dutch, Germans, French, Portuguese and Swedes in the colonies.

A HIGH STANDARD OF LIVING.

Fifth, no country in the world can approach the United States in the diffusion of well being in the population.

"It is seen in that diffused elementary education which implants for life a habit of reading, in the success of the voluntary system for the support of religious institutions, and in the habitual optimism which characterizes the common people. It is seen in the housing of the people and of their domestic animals; in the comparative costliness of their food, clothing, and household furniture; in their implements, vehicles, and means of transportation; and in the substitution on a prodigious scale of the work of machinery for the work of men's hands.. This last item in American well being is quite as striking in agriculture, mining and fishing as it is in manufacturing processes. The social effects of the manufacture of power, and of the discovery of means of putting that power just where it is wanted, have been more striking in the United States than anywhere else. Manufactured and distributed power needs intelligence to direct it; the bicycle is a blind horse, and must be steered at every instant somebody must show a steam drill where to strike and how deep to go. So far as men and women can substitute for the direct expenditure of muscular strength the more intelligent effort of designing, tending and guiding machines, they win promotion in the scale of being, and make their lives more interesting as well as more productive. It is in the invention of machinery for producing and distributing power, and at once economizing and elevating human labor, that American ingenuity has been most conspicuously mani fested. As proof of the general proposition, it suffices merely to mention the telegraph and telephone. the sewing machine, the cotton gin, the mower. reaper and threshing machine, the dish washing machine, the river steamboat, the sleeping car the boot and shoe machinery and the watch ma chinery."

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