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which six months before would not have been gen the question of the currency could no longer be erally accepted, to say the least, as Democratic doc. trifled with. Gold had prevailed at St. Louis by trine. The mild and good - natured agnosticism fair methods and in obedience to the behests of the which had characterized the attitude of the Demo. great majority of Republican voters, just as a few cratic party toward silver in January was trans weeks later silver triumphed at Chicago in accordformed in July into the most extreme radicalism. ance with the desires of the Southern and Western
Democrats. The issue for once was forced on the THE REPUBLICAN ATTITUDE.
politicians by the voters. Meanwhile, what of the Republican party's posi.
DEMOCRATS AND POPULISTS. tion on the money question ? If uncertainty characterized their opponents, can it be said that the The adoption of a radical free-silver platform at Republican leaders were all of one mind on this Chicago and the nomination of Mr. Bryan formed a new issue? For many months prior to the national
natural culmination of the transformation, if we convention at St. Louis in June, while everything may call it such, which the Democratic party, as a had pointed to the nomination of Major McKinley, national organization, had gradually undergone. there had been a studied endeavor to make the tariff That Mr. Bryan should later be nominated by the the prominent question of the campaign. The be Populists and the Silver party was to be expected. lief that the tariff issue would bring Republican The subsequent squabbles over the vice-presidency, success in the presidential contest was not confined arising from the refusal of the Populists to accept to the McKinley managers; it was apparently shared the Chicago candidate, have led to the necessity of by many of the old party leaders. A few weeks be fusion agreements in various states, and this has fore the St. Louis convention the Republican Con greatly complicated the management of the camgressional Campaign Committee began the printing paign. In fact, a great part of the work of the and distribution of tariff documents, not doubting Populist campaign committee during the summer that the main issue would be between the McKinley and early autumn consisted in the “clinching” of tariff and the Wilson law. As the currency ques.
fusion arrangements and the necessary efforts to tion drew more and more into overshadowing prom secure the acceptance of such arrangements by the inence gold-standard Republicans in the East began party organizations in the different states. * to question McKinley's soundness, but neither they
NATIONAL DEMOCRATS.” nor the McKinley following of the middle West foresaw distinctly the iinportance which this ques. But as if the difficulty of harmonizing discordant tion was about to take on, or the crucial part which
elements in their own camp-a difficulty greatly init was to play in the campaign. The strength of tensified by the gyrations of the agile and vocifer the silver movement was generally underestimated. ous Tom Watson-were not enough to vex the souls
There was, however, an aggressive silver minority of the Popocratic managers, a new series of troubles within the Republican ranks. A group of western arose from another quarter. It was discovered that. senators constituted the leadership of this minority, and it was not without hope. Up to the time of the
* The following list of states in which a fusion of St. Louis convention there were those who affected
Democrats and Populists on presidential electors has. to believe that McKinley would be nominated on a
been effected, together with the number allotted each
party, and the vote cast at the presidential election of silver platform. The California delegates came to
1892, is taken from the New York World, with such St. Louis instructed to vote for McKinley and for a minor additions and corrections as were needed to bring free-silver plank. But these silver Republicans the information up to the date of this writing : came, as a rule, from states which cast few elec
California–Democrats, 5 ; Populists, 4. Vote in 1892—toral votes or were already doubtful and inclined to Democrats, 118,293 ; Republicans, 118, 149; Populists, Populism. The states which cast the greatest num 25,352. There were eight Democratic and one Republiber of electoral votes and those which were relied
can elector chosen. on to give decisive Republican majorities sent dele.
Colorado – Democrats, 2; Populists, 1; Silver, 1. gations instructed to oppose free coinage.
Vote-Populists, 53,584 ; Republicans, 38,620, The Dem
ocrats indorsed Populist electors. AFTER THE ST. LOUIS CONVENTION.
Connecticut - Democrats, 5; Populists, 1. Vote
Democrats, 82, 395 ; Populists, 806 ; Republicans, 77,025. The nomination of McKinley at St. Louis on a
Idaho, Democrats, 2 ; Populists, 1. Vote- Populists, gold-standard platform, with the bolt of the siiver
10,520 ; Republicans, 8,599. The Democrats indorsed Republicans, gave definiteness to the situation. The Populist electors. party managers still hoped to make the campaign Illinois-Democrats, 20 ; Populists, 4. Vote-Demolargely on the merits of the McKinley tariff, but crats, 426,281 ; Populists, 22, 207 ; Republicans, 399,288. they could not blind themselves to the fact that
Indiana-Democrats, 10; Populists, 5. Vote-Demoveteran Republicans like Senator Teller would not
crats, 262,740 ; Populists, 22,208 ; Republicans, 255,615.
Iowa-Democrats, 10; Populists, 3. Vote-Democrats, have left the party merely because of differences on
196,367 ; Populists, 20,595 ; Republicans, 219,795. some minor point in the platform. Whether they
Kansas' ten electors are all Democrats, but wished it or not, they must have seen at last that
pledged to vote for the candidate for Vice-President
THE REAL ISSUE
I do not know what you think about it, but I believe it is a good deal better to open up the mills of the United States
to the labor of America than to open up the mints of the United States to the silver of the World.
REPUBLICAN POSTER USED TO ILLUSTRATE A SENTIMENT IN ONE OF
the old-fashioned Democrats, who believed in a gold form, and how may we win votes from our opponents standard and had been read out of the party at Chi by skillful presentation of arguments ? It had been cago, were still unpleasantly numerous, not only in the fashion in previous presidential contests in this the East but in many of the interior states. True, country to sneer at the phrase, “campaign of edu. they were a minority, but it was a minority that in cation," although it was said that in England, and cluded a remarkably large proportion of the former in some other countries where popular suffrage preleadership of the party, and its influence was not to vailed, the words had a meaning which they had be measured by a show of hands. Mr. Bryan him never possessed here. However that may be, it is cerself admitted that these “National Democrats" were well generalled, though he believed that they lacked the support of rank and file. The objects and personnel of the movement which led to the holding of the Indianapolis convention, as well as the outcome of that convention, were fully discussed in the October REVIEW OF REVIEWS. The nomination of Palmer and Buckner has certainly added much to the complexities of the situation, from the point of view of campaign management. The refusal of the Cleveland administration to support the Chicago nominations has given us, for the first time since the days of John Quincy Adams, a Presidential campaign in which the patronage of the party in power has contributed nothing to the result.
THE CAMPAIGN OF EDUCATION. Such were some of the elements of the problem which presented itself to each of the national committees. That problem, briefly stated, was, How shall we educate our own party in the principles of its platwho has the best chance of being elected. Vote-Popu lists, 163,111 ; Republicans, 157,237. The Democrats in 1892 indorsed Populist electors.
Kentucky-Democrats, 11 ; Populists, 2. Vote-Democrats, 175,461 ; Populists, 23,500 ; Republicans, 135,441.
Louisiana–Democrats, 4 ; Populists, 4. Vote-Democrats, 87,922 ; Populists, 13,281 ; Republicans, 13,282.
Michigan-Democrats, 10 ; Populists, 4. Vote-Democrats, 202,296 ; Populists, 19,892 ; Republicans, 222, 708.
Minnesota-Democrats, 4 ; Populists, 4 ; Silver Republicans, 1. Vote-Democrats, 100,920 ; Populists, 29, 313 ;
MR. PERRY S. HEATH, Republicans, 122,823.
In charge of the work of publishing and printing for the Missouri-Democrats, 13; Populists, 4. Vote-Demo
National Republican Committee. crats, 268,398 ; Populists, 41,213 ; Republicans, 226,918. Montana-Democrats, 1 ; Populists, 1; Silver Repub
tain that from this time on the American people will licans, 1. Vote-Democrats, 17,581 ; Populists, 7,334 ; fully understand what is meant by a campaign of Republicans, 18,851.
education, for such a campaign we have had beyond Nebraska,Democrats, 4; Populists, 4. Vote-Demo.
question. In previous years the raising of large crats, 24,943 ; Populists, 83,134 ; Republicans, 87,227.
campaign funds almost always meant the liberal There were two wings of the Democratic party in Nebraska at this election. The wing with which Mr. Bryan Pennsylvania-Democrats, 28 ; Populists, 4. Voteaffiliated indorsed the Populist electors ; hence the small Democrats, 452, 264; Populists, 8,714; Republicans, 516,011. Democratic vote.
South Dakota-Democrats, 2 ; Populists, 2. VoteNew Jersey-Democrats, 9; Populists, 1. Vote-Dem Democrats, 9,081 ; Populists, 26,544 ; Republicans, 34,888. ocrats, 171,042 ; Populists, 969 ; Republicans, 156,068. Utah-Democrats, 1; Populists, 1; Silver Republi
North Carolina-Democrats, 5; Populists, 5; Silver, cans, 1. Utah has been admitted since the last presi1. Vote-Democrats, 132,951 ; Populists, 44,736 ; Repub dential election. iicans, 100,342.
Washington--Democrats, 2 ; Populists, 2. Vote-DemNorth Dakota-Three Populist electors were indorsed ocrats, 29,802 ; Populists, 19,165 ; Republicans, 36,460. by the Democrats. Vote-Populists, 17,700 ; Republi West Virginia, Democrats, 4; Populists, 2. Votecans, 17,519.
Democrats, 84,467 ; Populists, 4,166 ; Republicans, 80,293. Ohio–Democrats, 18 ; Populists, 5. Vote-Democrats, Wisconsin-Democrats, 9; Populists, 3. Vote-Dem404, 115 ; Populists, 14,850 ; Republicans, 405, 187.
ocrats, 177,335 ; Populists, 9,909 ; Republicans, 170,791. Oregon--Populist electors have been indorsed by the Wyoming-Democrats, 2 ; Populists, 1. Vote-PopuDemocrats. Vote -Democrats, 14,243 ; Populists, 26,965 ; lists, 7,722 ; Republicans, 8,454. The Democrats indorsed Republicans, 35.002.
Populist electors in 1892.
use of money for corrupt purposes in order to affect and the relations of those metals to each other. It the election. In 1896, while the customary flings was assumed that the voters already in sympathy have been made by the newspapers and campaign with the Republican cause were in need of enlighten. orators regarding the raising of large funds from ment on the chief issue of the campaign. A special the trusts and moneyed interests of the country on effort was made to say nothing in the pamphlets or the Republican side, and from the silver mine owners leaflets sent out which would be offensive to either on the Democratic and Populist side, it has been Democrats or Populists, but the main purpose of the noticeable that direct charges of bribery and other propaganda was the strengthening of Republican votforms of corruption have been generally wanting, ers and the securing of their adhesion to the St. Louis and it is doubtful whether at this moment, on the platform. This work was begun early, before any eve of the election, any large nuinber of voters on systematic efforts had been made by the managers either side sincerely believe that the result will be on the other side to make converts to silver. In at all affected by the corrupt use of money. Doubt adopting these tactics it is true that Mr. Hanna and less the secret ballot has much to do with this re the National Committee assumed a defensive rather turn of confidence in the purity of elections. Then, than an offensive attitude, and this, too, at the very too, the repeal of the Federal Election law has un. outset. It was virtually an admission that the Redoubtedly had a healthful effect throughout the publican policy of adhesion to the gold standard was South. But apart from these considerations, the in need of defense before the people, and yet the campaign has differed radically in its nature from prompt and effective prosecution of this line of deany campaign of the recent past. It has usually fense, for such it may be termed, in the early days been possible to concentrate corruption funds in a of the campaign in the very heart and centre of the few states, and these states were so well marked territory which was deemed uncertain, was probaand known long before the election that such bly the best bit of strategy on the Republican side schemes as the famous “blocks-of-five" enterprise in the whole campaign. It was assumed that the of 1888 were entirely feasible. It was only neces voters in the great states of the middle West needed sary to insure the delivery of one or two so-called first of all clear and definite information on the “pivotal” states. In this year's contest, on the questions at issue, and that this information must other hand, the list of “doubtful” states is so come to them in some way or another before any long that it would beggar even the ample resources effort could be made to secure their votes for the of Mr. Hanna and the National Republican Com gold standard in November. Accordingly, all the mittee to purchase them. It has been known from leaflets and pamphlets which were sent out from the start and generally conceded on both sides that the Chicago headquarters were brief and clear ex. the campaign would be won by other means. The positions of the currency question phrased in direct large sums of money that have been distributed and simple language and remarkably free from the have been devoted to other purposes than the cor ordinary “ bluff and bluster” of the traditional camruption of voters. After the lines were finally paign document, as well as from every form of drawn in July last, the Republicans set in operation appeal to prejudice and passion. The arguments plans for the instruction of voters through literary in these documents were addressed to the sober and other channels which eclipse all previous efforts thought of sensible men, and were put in a form of the kind in our political history.
which sensible men would be likely to read and con
sider. After the inroads among the Republican CHICAGO AS A “CENTRE OF LIGHT."
farmers made by such literature as “Coin's FinanThe first decisive movement of the campaign cial School” and other works of the class during was the location of the National Republican head the past two years, it was necessary to begin this quarters at Chicago. It was early realized that the campaign of education” within the Republican chief fighting ground would be in those states of ranks, and the National Committee policy of cir. which Chicago is the geographical and business culating their “sound-money” tracts by the million centre. The opening of the national headquarters among the Republican voters was undoubtedly a there signifies much more than the mere establish wise one, even if it failed to convert a single proment of offices for the exchange of news and opin
nounced opponent. ions during the campaign, although these functions,
THE WORK OF THE PRINTING PRESS. as in previous years, have been by no means neg lected. The main business, however, undertaken Since the beginning of the campaign the Repubat the very first in a quiet but systematic way, was lican National Committee has issued the astoundthe publication and distribution of literature. It ing total of over two hundred millions of copies had no sooner been decided that the money question of documents. There were also issued, under the would be the principal issue than a systematic effort direction of the same committee, about fifty million was made by the National Committee to enlighten copies of documents from the headquarters of the the voters of the country, but especially those of Republican Congressional Campaign Committee at the middle West, on the real nature of money, the Washington. All this work has been done through place of gold and silver in the national currency, the Bureau of Publication and Printing, under the
immediate supervision of Mr. Perry S. Heath, at Chi. cago. This year's literary output far exceeds any record previously made by the Republican National Committee. There have been prepared more than 275 pamphlets and leaflets, besides scores of posters, sheets of cartoons, inscriptions and other matter touching on the various phases of the campaign issues. This number, it is said, exceeds by more than half the number of documents heretofore prepared and issued under the direction of that com. mittee since the foundation of the party. The distribution of these documents was generally made through the state central committees. About 20,000 express packages of documents were shipped, nearly 5,000 freight packages, and probably half a million packages by mail. These documents were printed in German, French, Spanish, Italian, Swed
"THE WHEEL OF INDUSTRY." Emblem extensively circulated by the American Protective
Tariff League. ish, Norwegian, Finnish, Dutch and Hebrew, as well as in English.
The duties of the editorial department of the Republican Literary Bureau at Chicago did not end with the preparation of the many documents to which allusion has been made, but some notion of the extent of those duties may be had when the fact is stated that a preferred list of country newspapers, with an aggregate weekly circulation of 1,650.000, received three and a half columns of specially prepared matter every week ; another list of country newspapers, with an aggregate weekly circulation of about 1,000,000, received plate matter ; three special classes of country weekly and daily papers were supplied with statements aggregating about 3,000,000 copies every week, and lastly, a special class of country newspapers received “ready prints"—the entire weekly circulation being about 4,000,000 copies. Hundreds of other newspapers
depended in a large measure for their political matter during the campaign upon the Publication and Printing Bureau and were circulated under the di. rection of this bureau. It is a safe estimate that every week 5,000,000 families received newspapers of various kinds containing political matter furnished by this bureau, probably three times the aggregate in volume and influence of any newspaper work ever before conducted by a national political committee.
THE USE OF POSTERS. The Republican Committee also made large use of political posters, probably 500 being circulated under the direction of the Publication and Printing Bureau. The most popular poster sent out from Chicago was the five-colored, single-sheet lithograph, so widely circulated at the St. Louis con. vention, bearing a portrait of Mr. McKinley with the inscription underneath, “ The Advance Agent of Prosperity.” The number of copies of this poster circulated is said to have been almost beyond computation or comprehension. Another poster which had an immense run was in plain black and bore the title, “ The Real Issue." It represented McKinley addressing a multitude of laborers in front of factories, declaring that it was better to open the mills of the United States than the mints, while Mr. Bryan, on the other side in front of the United States mint, was welcoming the people of all races with their silver bullion for free coinage. The great volumes of factory smoke and the throng of eager workmen on McKinley's side were in strong contrast with the group of foreigners dumping their silver in front of the Bryan mints. Another popular poster in the same style was that entitled “Poverty or Prosperity.” In the centre, on the Republican platform, stand McKinley and Hobart. Mr. McKinley has in his hand an unfurled sheet containing extracts from his letter of acceptance ; behind him Mr. Hobart is drawing aside a huge American flag disclosing the rising sun blazing forth the word “Prosperity,” its rays falling upon busy factories, railroads, ships, farmers and workmen. On the other side a black, lowering sky shows the words “Depression, 1892-1896," beneath which is a scene of utter desolation, with closed factories, idle railroads, farm implements lying idle in the fields, fences down, and hungry workmen and their fami. lies clamoring for bread. Another very effective poster was entitled “The Tariff is an Issue.” This emphasized the same idea, as did also a popular fourcolored poster of smaller size called “The Lockout is Ended ; He holds the Key.” Many smaller cartoons, some black and white and some in colors, were issued, but none aroused the enthusiasm inspired by the colored posters suggesting industrial subjects.
THE REPUBLICAN CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEE. The work of the congressional campaign committees has been far more important this year than