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which six months before would not have been generally accepted, to say the least, as Democratic doctrine. The mild and good-natured agnosticism which had characterized the attitude of the Demo. cratic party toward silver in January was transformed in July into the most extreme radicalism.

THE REPUBLICAN ATTITUDE.

Meanwhile, what of the Republican party's posi tion on the money question? If uncertainty characterized their opponents, can it be said that the Republican leaders were all of one mind on this new issue? For many months prior to the national convention at St. Louis in June, while everything had pointed to the nomination of Major McKinley, there had been a studied endeavor to make the tariff the prominent question of the campaign. The belief that the tariff issue would bring Republican success in the presidential contest was not confined to the McKinley managers; it was apparently shared by many of the old party leaders. A few weeks before the St. Louis convention the Republican Congressional Campaign Committee began the printing and distribution of tariff documents, not doubting that the main issue would be between the McKinley tariff and the Wilson law. As the currency question drew more and more into overshadowing prominence gold-standard Republicans in the East began to question McKinley's soundness, but neither they nor the McKinley following of the middle West foresaw distinctly the importance which this question was about to take on, or the crucial part which it was to play in the campaign. The strength of the silver movement was generally underestimated.

There was, however, an aggressive silver minority within the Republican ranks. A group of western senators constituted the leadership of this minority, and it was not without hope. Up to the time of the St. Louis convention there were those who affected to believe that McKinley would be nominated on a silver platform. The California delegates came to St. Louis instructed to vote for McKinley and for a free-silver plank. But these silver Republicans came, as a rule, from states which cast few electoral votes or were already doubtful and inclined to Populism. The states which cast the greatest number of electoral votes and those which were relied on to give decisive Republican majorities sent delegations instructed to oppose free coinage.

AFTER THE ST. LOUIS CONVENTION.

The nomination of McKinley at St. Louis on a gold-standard platform, with the bolt of the siiver Republicans, gave definiteness to the situation. The party managers still hoped to make the campaign largely on the merits of the McKinley tariff, but they could not blind themselves to the fact that veteran Republicans like Senator Teller would not have left the party merely because of differences on some minor point in the platform. Whether they wished it or not, they must have seen at last that

the question of the currency could no longer be trifled with. Gold had prevailed at St. Louis by fair methods and in obedience to the behests of the great majority of Republican voters, just as a few weeks later silver triumphed at Chicago in accordance with the desires of the Southern and Western Democrats. The issue for once was forced on the politicians by the voters.

DEMOCRATS AND POPULISTS.

The adoption of a radical free silver platform at Chicago and the nomination of Mr. Bryan formed a natural culmination of the transformation, if we may call it such, which the Democratic party, as a national organization, had gradually undergone. That Mr. Bryan should later be nominated by the Populists and the Silver party was to be expected. The subsequent squabbles over the vice-presidency, arising from the refusal of the Populists to accept the Chicago candidate, have led to the necessity of fusion agreements in various states, and this has greatly complicated the management of the campaign. In fact, a great part of the work of the Populist campaign committee during the summer and early autumn consisted in the "clinching" of fusion arrangements and the necessary efforts to secure the acceptance of such arrangements by the party organizations in the different states."

THE NATIONAL DEMOCRATS."

But as if the difficulty of harmonizing discordant elements in their own camp-a difficulty greatly intensified by the gyrations of the agile and vocifer ous Tom Watson-were not enough to vex the souls of the Popocratic managers, a new series of troubles arose from another quarter. It was discovered that

* The following list of states in which a fusion of Democrats and Populists on presidential electors has been effected, together with the number allotted each party, and the vote cast at the presidential election of 1892, is taken from the New York World, with such minor additions and corrections as were needed to bring the information up to the date of this writing:

California-Democrats, 5; Populists, 4. Vote in 1892Democrats, 118,293; Republicans, 118,149; Populists, 25,352. There were eight Democratic and one Republican elector chosen.

Colorado- Democrats, 2; Populists, 1; Silver, 1. Vote-Populists, 53,584; Republicans, 38,620. The Democrats indorsed Populist electors.

Connecticut-Democrats, 5; Populists, 1. Vote-Democrats, 82,395; Populists, 806; Republicans, 77,025.

Idaho Democrats, 2; Populists, 1. Vote-Populists, 10,520; Republicans, 8,599. The Democrats indorsed Populist electors.

Illinois-Democrats, 20; Populists, 4. Vote-Democrats, 426,281; Populists, 22,207; Republicans, 399,288. Indiana-Democrats, 10; Populists, 5. Vote-Democrats, 262,740; Populists, 22,208; Republicans, 255,615. Iowa-Democrats, 10; Populists, 3. Vote-Democrats, 196,367; Populists, 20,595; Republicans, 219,795.

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THE REAL ISSUE

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I do not know what you think about it, but I believe it is a good deal better to open up the mills of the United States to the labor of America than to open up the mints of the United States to the silver of the World.

REPUBLICAN POSTER USED TO ILLUSTRATE A SENTIMENT IN ONE OF MCKINLEY'S SPEECHES.

the old-fashioned Democrats, who believed in a gold standard and had been read out of the party at Chicago, were still unpleasantly numerous, not only in the East but in many of the interior states. True, they were a minority, but it was a minority that included a remarkably large proportion of the former leadership of the party, and its influence was not to be measured by a show of hands. Mr. Bryan himself admitted that these "National Democrats" were well generalled, though he believed that they lacked the support of rank and file. The objects and personnel of the movement which led to the holding of the Indianapolis convention, as well as the outcome of that convention, were fully discussed in the October REVIEW OF REVIEWS. The nomination of Palmer and Buckner has certainly added much to the complexities of the situation, from the point of view of campaign management. The refusal of the Cleveland administration to support the Chicago nominations has given us, for the first time since the days of John Quincy Adams, a Presidential campaign in which the patronage of the party in power has contributed nothing to the result.

THE CAMPAIGN OF EDUCATION.

Such were some of the elements of the problem which presented itself to each of the national committees. That problem, briefly stated, was, How shall we educate our own party in the principles of its platwho has the best chance of being elected. Vote-Popu lists, 163,111; Republicans, 157,237. The Democrats in 1892 indorsed Populist electors.

Kentucky-Democrats, 11; Populists, 2. Vote-Democrats, 175, 461; Populists, 23,500; Republicans, 135,441. Louisiana-Democrats, 4; Populists, 4. Vote-Democrats, 87,922; Populists, 13,281; Republicans, 13,282.

Michigan- Democrats, 10; Populists, 4. Vote-Democrats, 202,296; Populists, 19,892; Republicans, 222, 708. Minnesota-Democrats, 4; Populists, 4; Silver Republicans, 1. Vote-Democrats, 100,920; Populists, 29,313; Republicans, 122,823.

Missouri-Democrats, 13; Populists, 4. Vote-Democrats, 268,398; Populists, 41,213; Republicans, 226,918.

Montana-Democrats, 1; Populists, 1; Silver Republicans, 1. Vote-Democrats, 17,581; Populists, 7,334; Republicans, 18,851.

Nebraska-Democrats, 4; Populists, 4. Vote-Democrats, 24,943; Populists, 83,134; Republicans, 87,227. There were two wings of the Democratic party in Nebraska at this election. The wing with which Mr. Bryan affiliated indorsed the Populist electors; hence the small Democratic vote.

New Jersey-Democrats, 9; Populists, 1. Vote-Democrats, 171,042; Populists, 969; Republicans, 156,068.

North Carolina-Democrats, 5; Populists, 5; Silver, 1. Vote-Democrats, 132,951; Populists, 44,736; Republicans, 100,342.

North Dakota-Three Populist electors were indorsed by the Democrats. Vote-Populists, 17,700; Republicans, 17,519.

Ohio-Democrats, 18; Populists, 5. Vote-Democrats, 404,115; Populists, 14,850; Republicans, 405,187.

Oregon-Populist electors have been indorsed by the Democrats. Vote-Democrats, 14,243; Populists, 26,965; Republicans, 35.002.

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In charge of the work of publishing and printing for the National Republican Committee.

tain that from this time on the American people will fully understand what is meant by a campaign of education, for such a campaign we have had beyond question. In previous years the raising of large campaign funds almost always meant the liberal

Pennsylvania-Democrats, 28; Populists, 4. VoteDemocrats, 452,264; Populists, 8,714; Republicans, 516,011. South Dakota-Democrats, 2; Populists, 2. VoteDemocrats, 9,081; Populists, 26,544; Republicans, 34,888. Utah-Democrats, 1; Populists, 1; Silver Republicans, 1. Utah has been admitted since the last presidential election.

Washington--Democrats, 2; Populists, 2. Vote-Democrats, 29,802; Populists, 19,165; Republicans, 36,460.

West Virginia-Democrats, 4; Populists, 2. VoteDemocrats, 84,467; Populists, 4,166; Republicans, 80,293. Wisconsin-Democrats, 9; Populists, 3. Vote-Democrats, 177,335; Populists, 9,909; Republicans, 170, 791. Wyoming-Democrats, 2; Populists, 1. Vote-Populists, 7,722; Republicans, 8,454. The Democrats indorsed Populis electors in 1892.

use of money for corrupt purposes in order to affect the election. In 1896, while the customary flings have been made by the newspapers and campaign orators regarding the raising of large funds from the trusts and moneyed interests of the country on the Republican side, and from the silver mine owners on the Democratic and Populist side, it has been noticeable that direct charges of bribery and other forms of corruption have been generally wanting, and it is doubtful whether at this moment, on the eve of the election, any large number of voters on either side sincerely believe that the result will be at all affected by the corrupt use of money. Doubtless the secret ballot has much to do with this return of confidence in the purity of elections. Then, too, the repeal of the Federal Election law has undoubtedly had a healthful effect throughout the South. But apart from these considerations, the campaign has differed radically in its nature from any campaign of the recent past. It has usually been possible to concentrate corruption funds in a few states, and these states were so well marked and known long before the election that such schemes as the famous "blocks-of-five" enterprise of 1888 were entirely feasible. It was only necessary to insure the delivery of one or two so-called "pivotal" states. In this year's contest, on the other hand, the list of "doubtful" states is so long that it would beggar even the ample resources of Mr. Hanna and the National Republican Committee to purchase them. It has been known from the start and generally conceded on both sides that the campaign would be won by other means. large sums of money that have been distributed have been devoted to other purposes than the corruption of voters. After the lines were finally drawn in July last, the Republicans set in operation plans for the instruction of voters through literary and other channels which eclipse all previous efforts of the kind in our political history.

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The first decisive movement of the campaign was the location of the National Republican head quarters at Chicago. It was early realized that the chief fighting ground would be in those states of which Chicago is the geographical and business centre. The opening of the national headquarters there signifies much more than the mere establishment of offices for the exchange of news and opinions during the campaign, although these functions, as in previous years, have been by no means neg lected. The main business, however, undertaken at the very first in a quiet but systematic way, was the publication and distribution of literature. It had no sooner been decided that the money question would be the principal issue than a systematic effort was made by the National Committee to enlighten the voters of the country, but especially those of the middle West, on the real nature of money, the place of gold and silver in the national currency,

and the relations of those metals to each other. It was assumed that the voters already in sympathy with the Republican cause were in need of enlightenment on the chief issue of the campaign. A special effort was made to say nothing in the pamphlets or leaflets sent out which would be offensive to either Democrats or Populists, but the main purpose of the propaganda was the strengthening of Republican voters and the securing of their adhesion to the St. Louis platform. This work was begun early, before any systematic efforts had been made by the managers on the other side to make converts to silver. In adopting these tactics it is true that Mr. Hanna and the National Committee assumed a defensive rather than an offensive attitude, and this, too, at the very outset. It was virtually an admission that the Republican policy of adhesion to the gold standard was in need of defense before the people, and yet the prompt and effective prosecution of this line of defense, for such it may be termed, in the early days of the campaign in the very heart and centre of the territory which was deemed uncertain, was probably the best bit of strategy on the Republican side in the whole campaign. It was assumed that the voters in the great states of the middle West needed first of all clear and definite information on the questions at issue, and that this information must come to them in some way or another before any effort could be made to secure their votes for the gold standard in November. Accordingly, all the leaflets and pamphlets which were sent out from the Chicago headquarters were brief and clear expositions of the currency question phrased in direct and simple language and remarkably free from the ordinary" bluff and bluster" of the traditional campaign document, as well as from every form of appeal to prejudice and passion, The arguments in these documents were addressed to the sober thought of sensible men, and were put in a form which sensible men would be likely to read and consider. After the inroads among the Republican farmers made by such literature as "Coin's Financial School" and other works of the class during the past two years, it was necessary to begin this campaign of education within the Republican ranks, and the National Committee policy of circulating their "sound-money "tracts by the million among the Republican voters was undoubtedly a wise one, even if it failed to convert a single pronounced opponent.

66

THE WORK OF THE PRINTING PRESS.

Since the beginning of the campaign the Republican National Committee has issued the astounding total of over two hundred millions of copies of documents. There were also issued, under the direction of the same committee, about fifty million copies of documents from the headquarters of the Republican Congressional Campaign Committee at Washington. All this work has been done through the Bureau of Publication and Printing, under the

immediate supervision of Mr. Perry S. Heath, at Chicago. This year's literary output far exceeds any record previously made by the Republican National Committee. There have been prepared more than 275 pamphlets and leaflets, besides scores of posters, sheets of cartoons, inscriptions and other matter touching on the various phases of the campaign issues. This number, it is said, exceeds by more than half the number of documents heretofore prepared and issued under the direction of that committee since the foundation of the party. The distribution of these documents was generally made through the state central committees. About 20,000 express packages of documents were shipped, nearly 5,000 freight packages, and probably half a million packages by mail. These documents were printed in German, French, Spanish, Italian, Swed

DEMAND DECREAS AND CHEAP GOODS IF MEN ARE IF MEN EARN

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"THE WHEEL OF INDUSTRY."

depended in a large measure for their political matter during the campaign upon the Publication and Printing Bureau and were circulated under the direction of this bureau. It is a safe estimate that every week 5,000,000 families received newspapers of various kinds containing political matter furnished by this bureau,-probably three times the aggregate in volume and influence of any newspaper work ever before conducted by a national political committee.

THE USE OF POSTERS.

The Republican Committee also made large use of political posters, probably 500 being circulated under the direction of the Publication and Printing Bureau. The most popular poster sent out from Chicago was the five-colored, single-sheet lithograph, so widely circulated at the St. Louis convention, bearing a portrait of Mr. McKinley with the inscription underneath, " The Advance Agent of Prosperity." The number of copies of this poster circulated is said to have been almost beyond computation or comprehension. Another poster which had an immense run was in plain black and bore the title, "The Real Issue." It represented McKinley addressing a multitude of laborers in front of factories, declaring that it was better to open the mills of the United States than the mints, while Mr. Bryan, on the other side in front of the United States mint, was welcoming the people of all races with their silver bullion for free coinage. The great volumes of factory smoke and the throng of eager workmen on McKinley's side were in strong contrast with the group of foreigners dumping their silver in front of the Bryan mints. Another popular poster in the same style was that entitled " Poverty or Prosperity." In the centre, on the Republican platform, stand McKinley and Hobart. Mr. McKinley has in his hand an unfurled sheet containing extracts from his letter of acceptance; behind him Mr. Hobart is drawing aside a huge American flag disclosing the rising sun blazing forth the word "Prosperity," its rays falling upon busy factories, railroads, ships, farmers and workmen. On the other side a black, lowering sky shows the words "Depression, 1892-1896," beneath which is a scene of utter desolation, with closed factories, idle railroads, farm implements lying idle in the fields, fences down, and hungry workmen and their fami lies clamoring for bread. Another very effective poster was entitled "The Tariff is an Issue." This emphasized the same idea, as did also a popular fourcolored poster of smaller size called "The Lockout is Ended; He holds the Key." Many smaller cartoons, some black and white and some in colors, were issued, but none aroused the enthusiasm inspired by the colored posters suggesting industrial subjects.

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Emblem extensively circulated by the American Protective Tariff League.

ish, Norwegian, Finnish, Dutch and Hebrew, as well as in English.

The duties of the editorial department of the Republican Literary Bureau at Chicago did not end with the preparation of the many documents to which allusion has been made, but some notion of the extent of those duties may be had when the fact is stated that a preferred list of country newspapers, with an aggregate weekly circulation of 1,650.000, received three and a half columns of specially prepared matter every week; another list of country newspapers, with an aggregate weekly circulation of about 1,000,000, received plate matter; three special classes of country weekly and daily papers were supplied with statements aggregating about 3,000,000 copies every week, and lastly, a special class of country newspapers received ready prints "-the entire weekly circulation being about 4,000,000 copies. Hundreds of other newspapers

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THE REPUBLICAN CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEE.

The work of the congressional campaign committees has been far more important this year than

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