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Italians who arrived at this port from July 1, 1893, to the end of December, 1895, no less than 33,625 came to join members of their immediate families. If we add this number to the 21,692 above mentioned

who had been in the United States before, we get a total of 55,317, or 58 per cent. of the total Italian immigration, leaving but 39,383 immigrants proper."

FAVORABLE TO THE ITALIANS.

Dr. Senner has a good opinion of Italian immigrants and believes that they can be readily assimilated. He thinks the real problem, as regards the emigration question, is how to secure a better distribution throughout the country of the thousands who come, and to that end he advocates the establishment of a national land and labor clearing house at Ellis Island in connection with the great immigrant station. As to legislation, he has this to say: "If, in addition to the present law, a moderate educational test should be introduced by Congress, even the remotest apprehension of danger from Italian immigration would be forever removed, so long as the enforcement of our immigration laws keeps pace with their letter and spirit. I may be pardoned for here repeating what is a matter of record in the report of the Immigration Investigating Commission, of which I am a member, that I am most heartily in favor of a reasonable and practicable educational test for male immigrants over sixteen years of age, excepting those who come here to join their immediate families. I do not share the apprehensions of the distinguished and learned Senator from Massachusetts, who is at present Chairman of the Committee on Immigration and Naturalization, that a great, a perilous change in the very fabric of our race' is impending from further immigration. The evil done in that direction, prior to the law of 1893 and its strict enforcement under the present administration, can, of course, never be undone; the nation can now secure self protection from the effects of the heterogeneous influx during fifteen years prior to 1893 only by a wholesome restriction of the privilege of naturalization. But I can safely say that since the enactment of the law of 1893 no substantial number of undesirable immigrants have been permitted to enter the United States, and that our public charitable and penal institutions have not been materially burdened with the care of such immigrations.

ILLITERACY AS A FACTOR.

'Illiteracy, though at present no specific reason for excluding an immigrant, is nevertheless carefully considered as a factor in all cases; although it should be stated that some of the most objectionable immigrants have been persons well able to read and write. My principal reason for favoring a moderate educational test is the obvious fact that illiteracy is invariably coupled with a low standard of living which leads to a lowering of wages."

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OBSERVATIONS IN MEXICO.

USTICE WALTER CLARK, of the North Carolina Supreme Court, in his series of Arena bringing out many interesting facts about Mexico papers on "The Land of the Noonday Sun," is and the Mexicans. He has studied, for example, the attitude of the Mexican people of to-day toward the fame of the early Spanish conquerors. This, it seems, is the modern Mexican view of Cortez:

"Notwithstanding the great work of Cortez, the immense slaughter which this man of blood and iron' committed in order to strike terror into the subject millions has not been forgotten. A large portion of the Mexican people being of Indian descent, not a town, hamlet, or street in all Mexico preserves his fame; no monument in all the republic has been erected to his memory, while on the Paseo, the great avenue leading to Chapultepec, stands a colossal bronze statue of his victim, the last Aztec emperor, Cuahtemoc (anglice Guatemozin)—one of the revenges of history. Cortez died in Spain, but his remains having been brought back to the country whose name is forever linked with his fame, reposed here long years, but when Mexico became free these remains had to be secretly removed at night to prevent their being thrown into the lake, and were carried back to Europe, where they now rest in the family vault of his descendants, the dukes of Monteleone in Sicily."

PRESIDENT DIAZ.

Justice Clark's impressions of President Diaz are worth reading:

"A swarthy man, with unmistakable firmness and executive capacity stamped upon his countenance, he has been the providential man for Mexico. A fine organizer, he has news by telegraph laid before him every morning from his agents in every township of the republic. He has been quick to utilize the agency of the railroad and the telegraph, and by his promptness of action he has for many years made brigandage and revolutionary uprisings impossible. Not over given to observing the forms when the substance of liberty was at stake, his has been a hand of iron in a glove of velvet.' At his touch order appeared out of chaos, and hard upon her footsteps in this fertile land came prosperity and contentment. When the people become better educated, by experience in the art of self government, a less governing president may accord better with the requirements of the presidency, but for the needs of the hour Mexico could have found no man better fitted to establish that order and peace which is the foundation of a nation's prosperity than the soldier and statesman, President Porfirio Diaz. He had come down to the next station (Nogales) to bring an invalid relative for the benefits of this delightful clime, and so, having missed him in the capital, I met him at Orizaba. From there he went on to Vera Cruz, where he was received with great rejoicings and display, and thence by sea to the

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GENERAL MILES' IDEA OF WAR.

ENERAL NELSON A. MILES combats several War" in the June Cosmopolitan. He classes as untenable the theory" that, after the manner of our fathers, we could leave the plow in the field and drop the tools at the forge, go out from the workshop and the country house, or from the college hall, and, taking the rifle from the antlers, go forth to war. The conditions to-day are all different; "it is machine against machine; steam, electricity and high explosives against steel armaments and steel armor."

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The old musket rifle and the smooth-bore, muzzle-loading cannon have given place to the magazine breech-loading rifles and the Hotchkiss, Colt, Maxim, and Gatling machine guns, some of them capable of firing six hundred bullets per minute with a range of two miles; steel rifle-mortars with a range of six miles; high-power guns with a range of twelve and fourteen miles, with a weight of projectile ranging from six hundred to two thousand pounds, and the dynamite-gun capable of throwing five hundred pounds of high explosives more than two miles." All this means that a nation without due preparation has little chance against a more far-sighted opponent. Nor is it safe to wait for a decided straining of feelings, for an English military report in 1883 showed, to every one's surprise, that from 1700 to 1870 less than ten cases occurred in which a formal declaration of war preceded the first hostilities, while there were over one hundred instances in which offensive operations were begun with no formal notice. General Miles goes on to show how much there is to be done by quoting from the last reports of the Secretary of the Navy and the Secretary of War. The latter asserts the "inadequacy and impotency" of our seacoast and lake defenses to be so evident that the intelligence of the country no longer discusses their condition, but merely tries to hasten the improvements. The plan of defense formulated by the Endicott Board, ten years ago, contemplated the expenditure by this time of nearly $98,000,000, but less than $11,000,000 have been actually appropriated, and consequently all our harbor improvements have merely made our ports more accessible to a hostile fleet, since the protecting works have not been constructed fast enough. Nor is our navy large enough even to take care of itself, the naval establishments of seven foreign powers being each larger than our own, and Great Britain having 465 battle ships, cruisers and torpedo boats to our 58.

In view of all these facts, General Miles strenu

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IN

OUR SCHOOLBOY SOLDIERS.

N the July Munsey's there is a pleasant paper by Whidden Graham on "Our Schoolboy Soldiers," illustrated with beautiful pictures, showing the system of military instruction in the public schools. This movement, which began only three years ago, has developed into a very important department of public school instruction. The psychological value of the appeal to the schoolboy fancy through military equipment and manoeuvre is very obvious and comes out well in practice. The companies of schoolboy cadets are known as the American Guard, and the work is under the direc tion of the Grand Army.

THE PHYSICAL AND MENTAL BENEFITS.

Mr. Graham outlines the detailed benefits of the system as follows:

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First, as to the physical benefits. The form of drill suggested includes not only the manual of arms and marching, but a thorough setting up' exercise, which makes boys erect, active, and alert. A free, graceful carriage of the body, the proper position of arms and shoulders, and the use of the limbs in motion and repose, are among the things which are thoroughly taught. It is not intended that the drill shall take the place of athletic sports in the high schools, but its service in developing the pupils of graded schools will be an excellent preparation for other forms of exercise. Instead of slouching carriage, awkward gait, and careless appearance, the drill inculcates neatness in person and clothing. a firm step, and a straight and graceful figure. The slow and heedless are taught quickness of eye and ear, head and foot, and in after life will be brighter and stronger for the hours spent in their company's ranks.

Still more important are the mental and moral lessons directly or indirectly given in the course of military instruction. The boys are taught to be brave, honorable and manly; that they must be obedient, courteous and respectful; that they must protect the weak, be helpful to their comrades, and above all else be truthful and patriotic."

Mr. Graham thinks it is likely that before long military drill will be established everywhere as part of the American common school system.

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lations With England," in which he discusses the part which unprejudiced tribunals of appeal are apt to play in future diplomatic negotiations and tangles. As far as concerns a scheme of permanent international arbitration between the United States and

Great Britain, which so many people of the highest quality are now advocating, he is not particularly optimistic. "It is not the most promising way to establish friendship to begin to construct machinery to settle expected disputes, nor is the occasion which has given rise to the proposition the most fortunate. It looks too much as if it were anticipated that we would find it desirable in future political exigencies to make similar attacks, and wish to secure ourselves beforehand against their being resented."

A CONTRADICTION IN TERMS.

Compulsory arbitration is, in Mr. Phelps' judgment, a contradiction of terms, "since that process must take place necessarily with a voluntary agreement incapable of application until the occasion for it arises. To agree to arbitrate future controversy is one thing; actually to arbitrate an existing controversy is quite another. It is manifest that there must be many cases, quite impossible to foresee, to which such an agreement would not apply, or would be, by the one side or the other, repudiated as inapplicable, and the question whether the case is within the agreement would be likely to make more trouble than the case itself. It might almost as well be hoped to prevent disputes by agreeing beforehand that we will never have them,-a practicable method, undoubtedly, if it could only be settled at the same time to what disputes the agreement not to dispute should apply."

THE PROPER DOMAIN OF ARBITRATION.

Only such cases,--a limited class,-where the questions involved are questions of fact depending for decision upon evidence, come into the proper domain of arbitration. Even in such Mr. Phelps anticipates many and serious obstacles, on account of the foreign languages used, the different systems of law and methods of legal thought, the lack of final power of the court and the want of any system of procedure or rules of evidence such as are found indispensable in other tribunals.

Beyond these cases turning on questions of fact, Mr. Phelps considers arbitration as entirely impracticable, and especially does he oppose the theory that arbitration can be made a substitute for diplomacy. The best that we hope for is that it should be an adjunct to diplomacy. "For wise diplomacy is a great deal better than arbitration, and in nineteen cases out of twenty can do without it."

THE NEED OF PERMANENT OFFICIALS.

So far Mr. Phelps is only destructive of what he considers impracticable theories. What he does

think our diplomatic corps is in need of is a system of permanent under secretaries appointed for life. There should be three or four of these, men of conspicuous ability and attainment. "They would become possessed of a complete acquaintance with all foreign questions, history, precedents, facts, and traditions, and entirely versed in the principles of law and the considerations of policy on which they depend, as well as in the methods and proprieties of diplomatic procedure. Their counsel and assistance would be invaluable to the overwrought secretary, and would give to our foreign policy the continuity, consistency, and sound legal foundation without which we cannot hope that it will be successful. With such an accomplished staff the British Foreign Office is always furnished, and the incoming secretary finds the work ready to his hand and is assured of the ground on which he stands."

ENGLAND IN SOUTH AFRICA.

N the Nineteenth Century Mr. G. S. Fort con

True Motive and Reason of Dr. Jameson's Raid." Mr. Fort says:

"During Mr. Rhodes' last visit to England, after the raid, I know that he was most anxious (to use his own words) to go down to Trafalgar Square and proclaim the true motive and reason of the raid."

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THE MAIN OBJECT OF THE RAID.

It was the knowledge that President Kruger had entered into some secret understanding of a political nature with Germany which induced Mr. Rhodes to reluctantly abandon any further conciliatory policy toward the Transvaal, and determined him to push on a revolution in Johannesburg, and to authorize Dr. Jameson's plans for a rush to Pretoria. From his point of view, this German-Boer alliance presented such an immediate and imminent danger to Imperial and Afrikander interests throughout South Africa that he resolved at all hazards to upset the Hollander-German cabal who had clustered around Mr. Kruger. There was no intention to overthrow an independent Dutch government as such. Nor was the redress of griev ances, or the opposition to schemes of Boer dominion, of primary consideration. The chief purpose of Mr. Rhodes' campaign was to prevent Germany as a rival power from acquiring a predominant political status in the Transvaal; and I state positively that one of the main objects of Dr. Jameson's rush was to help to secure documentary evidence of this secret alliance, which evidence was believed on reliable authority to be in possession of President Kruger in Pretoria."

II. Mr. Rhodes as the False Prophet of Imperialism.

A clever and earnest article is that which "W. S.," a new writer, has contributed to the June

Westminster, under the title "The New Islam and its Prophet." "W. S." says:

"As of old there rang through the world a cry of one declaring, There is but one God, and Mahomet is His Prophet,' so to-day in our ears sounds the rallying cry of the new Islam, 'There is but one Empire and Cecil Rhodes is its prophet.' This may sound exaggerated to some, but it sums up in a phrase the sentiments of many who believe in the immense future of the English speaking race. It is, however, fatal to link together, as of equal importance with an idea world embracing and eternally true, an individual who, of necessity, is limited and only partially true at best. This was proved unmistakably to be the case with the prophet of Islam, and history is, unfortunately, only too likely to repeat itself in regard to Mr. Cecil Rhodes."

The writer proceeds to point out various points of analogy between the Arabian Apostle and the creator of Charterland, and says:

"But if Mr. Rhodes possesses many of the strong characteristics of the Arabian prophet, he also shares with him several of his besetting sins. The chief of these is a too whole-hearted acceptance of the Jesuitical doctrine that any method is right in a good cause.

"In both cases this baneful heresy was a gradual growth destroying much which was good in the men, and doing much injury to the ideas for which they stand. As in the latter part of Mahomet's life we recognize a deterioration and the acceptance of a somewhat lower standard of ethics, so we can see in the career of Mr. Rhodes the same degeneration.

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His utter reliance upon the power of money, and a certain unscrupulousness, and a deficiency in ethical development, has done much to undo his work of the last ten or fifteen years. Elaborate and plausible apologies may be made for his recent action in the Transvaal, and for his massing of troops on its frontier--for there is no manner of doubt but that he took an active part both in the movement in Johannesburg and in Charterland— but the fact remains that morally it is indefensible. It is equally so from the point of view of policy." III.-What President Kruger Is Really After. There is a powerful and well informed article in the Fortnightly Review, on the subject of Mr. Rhodes and the Transvaal. It is anonymous, being signed "An Imperialist." "Imperialist," whoever he may be, points out very clearly that, while President Kruger is endeavoring to use the Ger mans, they, on their part, are making a cat's paw of him. "Imperialist" says :

It has been assumed by some writers that President Kruger wants to forward the establishment of this German Empire. I do not think this is true. He does not want the Germans as masters; he merely wishes to use their assistance to enable him to establish an independent and United Dutch South Africa, the headship of which would be, in virtue of its

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wealth, with the Transvaal. But if President Kruger intends merely to use the Germans for his own ends, he leaves out of calculation the purpose of their alliance with him."

WHAT MR. RHODES RISKED, AND WHY.

He recalls the repeated instances in which Mr. Rhodes' bold initiative and far seeing patriotism had foiled the German designs in South Africa. He recalls how Mr. Rhodes, and Mr. Rhodes almost alone, stood in the way of the realization of President Kruger's schemes:

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They are a very real danger and serious obstacle to President Kruger's scheme of a united and independent Dutch South Africa under the headship of the Transvaal, and equally an obstacle to the German South African Republic, which would be too likely to succeed to, if it did not anticipate, President Kruger's United Dutch Dream. I am no advocate of the Chartered Company. I have no knowldge of its management in England; I do not understand its balance sheets, I hold none of its shares. But I see what any independent observer can see, that it has been a chief instrument to extend British Empire in South Africa, that it will continue, so long as Mr. Rhodes is at its head, a powerful barrier to German or Boer intrigue, and a useful stop-gap till the colony of Rhodesia is sufficiently developed and populated for self-government."

IV. Why Not Buy Up the Chartered
Company?

The editor of the National Review, who, be it remembered, is the son of a Radical Unionist-Admiral Maxse-and the son-in-law of Lord Salisbury, takes up his parable very strongly against the Chartered Company and Mr. Rhodes in his chronique of the month. His idea is to buy up the Chartered Company and send Mr. Rhodes about his business :

"It is true that the East Africa Company came financially to grief, but there can't be much margin between the South Africa Company and liquidation, and if its shareholders were paid off at par they would receive very handsome treatment."

V.-Emancipate the High Commissioner.

In the National Review, Mr. Arnold Forster, writing on South Africa, lays down the law in that oracular fashion which always suggests that, although the sun and the moon both go wrong, the old clock of Jedburgh can never go wrong, and a very good old clock in his way Mr. Arnold Forster is. The House of Commons and the press, it seems, have utterly failed even to express the views of ninetenths of the English people. for they beg the question as if you must be either for Mr. Kruger or for Mr. Rhodes. He says:

"The real facts of the situation were, I believe, correctly and epigrammatically summed up by one of my colleagues in the House of Commons, who, after listening for some time to the recent debate,

remarked to me, 'Well I don't agree with a word of this; I can't stand the Chartered Company, and I don't like the Boers.' This is a true view of the situation, as it presents itself to most Englishmen; and my friend, I am convinced, spoke as the representative of two thirds of the House and of nine-tenths of the country.”

A REAL GOVERNOR-GENERAL.

What he proposes to be done in this case is to terminate the arrangement by which the Governorship of the Cape is united with the High Commissionership of South Africa. What is to be done is to "appoint a real High Commissioner for South Africa, not an officer who is the servant of the Cape government first, and of anybody else afterward, still less a gentleman who, like the present administrator of the Chartered Company's territories, is nominally in the service of a not very reputable limited company; but a real GovernorGeneral, whom all Africa, friendly or otherwise, would know to be the representative of the British Empire, ready to protect the interests of the Empire against all comers.

VI.-A French Tribute to Mr. Rhodes.

Mr. Lionel Decle contributes to the Notional Review a very interesting article entitled "Two Years in Rhodesia." He spent two years in traveling over Charterland from end to end. He sums up his impressions of what he saw as follows:

duct of Mr. Cecil Rhodes or his colleagues has been in accordance with sound principles of finance. The only question which Englishmen have to consider is, whether the contract entered into between the British Government and the Company has been conducive to the interest of the British public. It may, I think, suggest some answer to the question, to show what the company has already accomplished out of its own resources and by its own unassisted efforts."

SUNK A MILLION WITH NO RETURN.

From the balance sheets of the company he extracts the statistics showing that in the development of their Charterland, this private company has sunk very nearly a million of capital without at present receiving any return :

"It is all-important to my purpose to show that the company has spent money liberally, if not lavishly, in fulfilling the objects for which the charter was granted. Let me try and recapitulate in as few words as possible what has been accomplished with the money thus freely spent. Rhodesia comprises an area larger than France and Germany put together. Barely six years ago this immense area was an almost unknown country, occupied by savage tribes and wild beasts, and in the whole of which there were probably not a score of white men to be found. Already the country is traversed in every direction by telegraph wires. From the east and from the south railways are being pushed on into its borders, and the new lines have made such progress that within two or three years there will be unbroken railway communication between Beira, Fort Salisbury, Bulawayo, Kimberley and Cape Town. The power of the Matabele king, his indunas and his impis have been shattered, and a settled government under British courts, British officials and British laws has been substituted for the cruel tyranny of Lobengula and his chiefs. Towns have been created at Salisbury, Umtali and Bulawayo."

"The country is one of the richest, and the most diversely rich, that I ever visited. Its administration, taking it as a whole, is conducted by as singleminded and hard-working men as I ever came across, and I say this, bearing in mind that I have lived for years among the civil servants of India. I never saw a better ordered community than the white inhabitants of Rhodesia, whether in an old country or a new; keenly desirous to succeed themselves, they are yet ever ready to lend a hand to their neighbors. Of their splendid self-reliance and selfdevotion I can say no more in praise than is already. written in the history of the two wars with the Matabele. As for the founder of this country, Mr. Cecil Rhodes, I dare to think him by far the great- Contemporary Review for June a very thought

est man that Africa has yet given to the world, and one of the greatest men of this century."

VII.-What the Chartered Company Has Done
For the Empire.

Mr. Edward Dicey, in the Fortnightly Review, sets forth with plain facts and figures the services which the Chartered Company has conferred upon the Empire. His object in the article is to show : "as briefly and as clearly as I can, the practical use that the British South Africa Company has made hitherto of its Imperial concession.

"To the British public, as a body, it is a matter of absolute indifference whether the shares of the Chartered Company are likely to prove a lucrative investment to their holders, or whether the con

THE POLICY OF THE EDUCATION BILL.
RINCIPAL FAIRBAIRN contributes to the

ful and weighty article setting forth the reasons which led him to deplore the policy of the new English Education bill. With its provisions in detail he does not deal. He concentrates his attention upon the general policy which is admitted alike by friends and foes to form the essence and soul of the bill:

WHAT THE BILL SIGNIFIES.

Dr. Fairbairn maintains that: "The bill signifies that there has come upon us, in a new form and under altered conditions, the old question as to the function of the state in religion, and as to the modes in which effect is to be given to its will in the schools of the people. This is the real issue that is raised. If the policy which this bill embodies be

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