ber for her islands in the West Indies she had in vain CHAPTER attempted to procure from her own North American colonies. Thus circumstanced, we did not run the risk of 1789. losing her commerce by any regulations we might make; yet, for our own sake, we ought not to carry them so far as to deprive ourselves of the convenience afforded by British ships, while unsupplied with shipping of our own. We might draw a revenue out of them by a tonnage duty, as, under the circumstances stated, it must certainly be paid, not by the producers, but by the consumers of the articles carried."

The tonnage duty on foreign vessels belonging to nations having treaties with the United States having been fixed, by a vote of the committee, at thirty cents per ton, Lawrence moved to impose the same rate on all foreign ships whatever; but to this motion Madison. made a vigorous opposition. "The more the subject had been examined, the necessity for discriminating duties had more clearly appeared. If it were expedient for America to have vessels employed in commerce, at all, it will be proper that she have enough to answer all the purposes intended; to form a school for seamen, to lay the foundation for a navy, and so to be able to support herself against the interference of foreigners. There did not seem much weight in the observation that such a discriminating duty was a burden on the community, and particularly oppressive to some parts of it; but, allowing the fact, it seemed to be a burden of that kind which might ultimately save us from a greater. He considered an acquisition of maritime strength essential to the country. If we are ever so unfortunate as to be engaged in war, what but this can defend our towns and cities on the sea-coast? What but this can

enable us to repel an invading enemy? Those parts of

CHAPTER the country said to bear an undue proportion of the burI. den were the very ones most exposed to the operations. 1789. of a war of depredations, and likely to need the greatest

April 24.

exertions of the Union in their defense. If they were required to make some little sacrifice to obtain this important object, they would be peculiarly rewarded for it in the hour of danger." These opinions in favor of a naval defense Madison afterward found himself obliged to resign to his party connections. Yet, in the course of his own administration as president, they acquired, by the test of an unfortunate experience, a weight of authority such as no mere argument could give, and too decisive to be any longer withstood.

Tucker was in favor of discrimination, but he thought the other duty was already fixed too high, and, with a view to reducing that to twenty cents, he moved to insert thirty-five cents in the blank. In the course of the discussion that followed, Fitzsimmons observed that, although the Virginia discriminating duty had been as high as one dollar per ton, no difficulty had been experienced in that state in getting British vessels to carry their prodFinally, the blank was filled with fifty cents, and both sets of resolutions, those relating to the tariff and those as to tonnage duties, were reported to the House.

uce.

These reports coming up for consideration in the House, Boudinot complained that the general scale of taxation was too high; not for the articles to bear, but for the due collection of the revenue. This was the case especially with spirits. ;' and as he feared that smuggling would be an inevitable consequence, he moved to reduce the duty on those of highest proof from fifteen to twelve cents per gallon. This motion was warmly supported by Jackson, who stated that Georgia abounded in timber of most luxuriant growth, which could only be exchanged

I.

for West India rum- -an exchange on which was found- CHAPTER ed a very considerable commerce, liable to be seriously affected by the imposition of heavy duties. The coast 1789. of Georgia was so intersected by navigable creeks and rivers, that it would be next to impossible to collect the revenue, if the people were disposed to evade it; and there was no surer way to produce that disposition than to impose such heavy duties as to make it their interest to do so. The same idea was strongly urged by Wadsworth, who referred to the difficulty which Great Britain had encountered in collecting her duty of three pence on molasses.

Madison" would not believe that the virtue of our citizens was so weak as not to resist that temptation to smuggling which a seeming interest might create. Their conduct under the British government was no proof of a disposition to evade a just tax. At that time they conceived themselves oppressed by a nation in whose councils they had no share, and on that principle resistance was justified to their consciences. The case was now altered: all had a voice in every regulation; and he did not despair of a great revolution in sentiment when it came to be understood that the man who wounds the honor of his country by a baseness in defrauding the revenue, at the same time exposes his neighbors to further impositions." Boudinot's motion did not prevail; and though the attempt was afterward renewed, the only reduction to which the House would consent was that of one cent per gallon in the duty on molasses.

The proposal to discriminate between foreign nations, so much discussed in relation to tonnage, was now brought forward in a new shape, it being proposed to levy a diminished rate of duty on spirits imported from countries in alliance with us. Madison zealously sup

CHAPTER ported this motion, on the political grounds already stated. Lawrence was equally decided the other way. 1789. "Though as much impressed as any man with a lively sense of gratitude to the French nation for their important services during the late Revolution, yet, before acceding to a measure like this, he would ask this question, Are the United States so reduced as to be obliged to pay tribute to their allies? For what are these sacrifices to be made? Is our commerce on such a favorable footing with France as to require this manifestation of regard on our part? True it is, we have a right to regulate our commerce, and to declare the terms on which foreigners may trade among us. But we ought to recollect the expediency of exercising those powers so as not to give umbrage to a nation from whose policy we derive considerable advantage, especially as we are not in a situation to wage a war of commercial regulations. A time might come, and soon, when our tonnage should be so increased, and our manufactures so improved, as to enable us to venture upon regulations adverse to that nation's commerce. When that moment arrived, he should be as ready to enter on that business as any man. At present it was certainly impolitic, both as affecting the revenue and engaging us in commercial hostilities."

"I acknowledge with pleasure," said Madison, in reply, the services America has received from the French nation. I admit the debt we owe her. The preference, however, we are inclined to show her, in common with other nations with which we have commercial treaties, ought not to be considered as a tribute, but rather as a lesson to those powers that do not come within that description.

"Let us review the policy of Great Britain. Has

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she ever shown any disposition to enter into reciprocal CHAPTER regulations? Has she not, by a temporizing policy, plainly declared that, until we are willing and able to 1789. do justice to ourselves, she will shut us out from her ports and make us tributary to her? Have we not seen her taking one legislative step after another to destroy our commerce? Has not her Legislature given discretionary powers to the executive, that so it might be ever on the watch, ready to seize any advantage which our weakness might offer? And have we not reason to believe that she will continue a policy void of regard to us, so long as she can gather into her lap the benefits we feebly endeavor to withhold, and for which she ought rather to court us, by allowing to our ships an open and liberal participation in the commerce we desire? If she finds us indecisive in counteracting her machinations, will she not continue to consult her own interests as heretofore? If we remain in a state of apathy, we shall not fulfill the object of our appointment. Most of the states of the Union have, in some shape or other, shown symptoms of their disapprobation of British policy. Those states, have now relinquished the power of continuing their systems; but they have done so under the impression that a more efficient government would effectually support their views. If we are timid and inactive, we shall disappoint the just expectations of our constituents, and the expectations, I venture to say, of the very nation against whom this measure is principally directed. It must be productive of benefit to give some early symptom of the power and will of the new government to redress our national wrongs. We shall soon be in a condition, we now are in a condition, to wage a commercial warfare with that nation. The produce of this country is more necessary to the rest of the