The doctor, however, had been guilty of a grave breach of faith to his patient, and some allowance must be made for a man who when fighting for his life in such a struggle finds himself suddenly given away by his doctor. At the same time Mr. Debs's friends could wish that he had met the accusation in a more dignified manner than that which he thought fit to adopt.

After the strike was ended, proceedings were taken against Mr. Debs for contempt of court. An injunction had been served upon him to restrain him from interfering with the United States mails. To this he had replied by telegraphing in all directions, ordering the trains to be stopped. The court committed him to gaol for contempt. At first he refused bail, but subsequently bail was accepted, and he was released. At the moment of writing he is still at large, and there the matter remains at present.

THE POPULARITY OF
DEBS.

What will be the issue of it all, who can say? One thing seems certain, and that is that the strike has tended to the disorganisation of parties. A very remarkable scene took place at the Bricklayers' Hall on July 15th. The men had then been beaten and the leaders of the Chicago unions met to consider what should be done. Mr. Madden was in the chair. He began by an impassioned appeal to the trades unions to stand shoulder to shoulder with our brother socialist, our brother populist,

our

brother single-taxer for

From Judge.]

The following resolution was then drafted, submitted, and carried amid deafening cheers:

Resolved. That this meeting of Chicago wage-workers hails with feelings of joy the action of the representatives of trades unions, the farmers' alliance, the single-taxers, the socialists and populists in joining hands in a common effort to restore the liberties of the people by means of the ballot.

Resolved. That we pledge our individual and united efforts to work and vote for such candidates only as shall be nominated by the representatives in convention assembled of the labour and reform bodies who shall subscribe to the platform of the Springfield conference.

Resolved. That we appeal to all who have at heart a love of liberty and a desire for the welfare of the common people to rally to the support of this industrial movement for the better

ment of existing conditions and emancipation of the wage and political slave, by the only remedy leftthe unpurchased freeman's ballot.

Resolved. That we here and now unalterably renounce all allegiance to either the democratic or republican parties.

Resolved. That in the future we, as trade unionists, socialists, federationists, single-taxers, and all other elements outside of the old party machines, do now declare for independent political action, and in accordance with the resolutions adopted at Springfield conference, will enter this campaign and make a straight fight under the banner of the people's party.

The scene at the close of the meeting was as follows:

The list of speakers being exhausted, Chairman Madden made a few closing remarks. He announced that from this time until next election day it was the purpose of the people's party to hold meetings every Sunday night.

"I now propose three cheers," said Mr. Madden, "for the grandest man on the American continent to-dayEugene V. Debs."

The word "Debs" had not left Mr. Madden's lips before the first "hurrah" rang out with a deafening shout. Again and again the cheers resounded, hats and sticks waved in the air, and some of the more emotional ones jumped up and down in their enthusiasm. Three more cheers were given for the American Railway Union, and then the audience dispersed.

THE DISINTEGRATION OF PARTIES.

It will be interesting to see how far this resolution voted in the hour of defeat will be acted upon at the elections. At present they are talking of nominating him for the governorship of Indiana and for the presidency of the United States. Without venturing to forecast the future, it seems not improbable that this strike may mark the disintegration of the two parties which have so long divided American politics. Whatever may be the outcome, there can be no doubt that

the events which have jus taken place will leave a permanent mark in the history of American institutions. But what a commentary upon the lack of wisdom with which our London newspapers are conducted when not one solitary daily has thought it worth while to send out a competent observer to chronicle the evolution of this new movement, which affects so vitally and at so many points both English labour and English capital.

A BODEFUL PROHECY.

When I was writing this sketch Mr. W. Tallack reminded me of a curious prediction which had been made long ago by an American Quaker, which it may be well to recall at the present time. The Quaker in question prophesied in 1803, and one of his predictions has been so extraordinarily fulfilled, that there may be some little uneasiness as to whether the latter part may not equally be fulfilled.

The story is as follows:

An American journal, the Christian Arbitrator, in referring to the recent and long-continuing disorders in the United States, reproduces the narrative of a "vision" seen, nearly a century ago, by a Quaker minister, of Vermont, name Joseph Hoag. The vision has for several generations been familiarly known to many of the Friends, and there is no doubt as to its promulgation long before the great Civil War of 1861-65, which is predicted.

Joseph Hoag was born in 1762, and resided in early life in the country districts of New York State. He was an honest hardworking farmer, and the father of a large family, all of whom became ministers of the Gospel. In the latter years of his life he removed to Vermont, where he died in 1816. His narrative of the vision is as follows:

"In the autumn of the year 1803 I was one day alone in the field, and observed that the sun shone clear, but a mist eclipsed its brightness.

"And I heard a voice from heaven, saying: "This which thou seest is a sign of the coming times. I took the fore

fathers of this country from a land of oppression; and while they were humble, I blessed them and fed them, and they became a numerous people. But they have now become proud, and have forgotten Me; and they are running into every abomination and evil practice of which the old countries are guilty, and have taken quietude from the land and caused a dividing spirit to come among them; lift up thine eyes and behold.'

"And I saw them dividing in great heat. The division began in the Churches, on points of doctrine.

"It next appeared in the Lodges of the Freemasons; it broke out in appearance like a volcano, inasmuch as it set the country in an uproar for a time.

"Then it entered Politics, throughout the United States, and did not stop until it produced a Civil War. An abundance of blood was shed in the course of the combat; the Southern States lost their power, and Slavery was annihilated from their borders.

"Then a Monarchical Power sprang up, took the Government of the States, established a National Religion, and mad all Societies tributary to support its expenses. I saw them take property from Friends.

"I was amazed at beholding all this; and I heard a voies proclaiming: This Power shall not always stand; but with it I will chastise my Church, until they return to the faithfulness of their forefathers. Thou seest what is coming on thy native country, for their iniquities and the blood of Africa: the remembrance of which has come up before Me.'

"This Vision is yet for many days. I had no idea of writing it for many years, until it became such a burden that, for my own relief, I have written it."

All good Republicans will of course scout the idea of any development of monarchical power in the Uaite.l States. Monarchical power, however, is not necessarily regal, and there are few old-time States writers who woul not regard the action taken by President Cleveland in the recent strike as a very long stride in the direction indicated by the old Quaker.

HE signatures to the National Memorial to the Prime Minister in favour of an International arrest of Armaments till the close of the century must all be in before September 1st.

During the last month several additional signatures have been appended to the Memorial, Mr. Herbert Spencer's being one of the most influential. Mr. Spencer has intimated his hearty concurrence with the prayer of the Memorial.

The Bishop of Ripon, I am glad to say, has added his signature to that of the Bishops of Durham and Manchester, who redeem the episcopal bench from the reproach of indifference to the cause of peace. The Catholic Bishops have shown a readiness to sign, which was a significant contrast to the reluctance of the Anglican Episcopate to move in the matter.

Among the other signatures appended last month to the Memorial are the following

The Mayors of Andover. Appleby, Berwick-on-Tweed, Bolton, Bootle, Brecon, Bridgnorth, Bridgwater. Brighton, Burnley, Carlisle, Chatham, Chesterfield, Chorley, Darlington, Faversham, Folkestone, Gateshead, Glossop, Godmanchester, Hanley, Hartlepool, Heywood, Hull, Hythe, Ilkeston, Keighley (York), Kendall, King's Lynn, Leeds, Loughborough, Luton, Middlesbro, Morpeth, Oswestry, Richmond (Yorks), Rochester, Romsey, Salford, St. Albans, Shrewsbury, Stockport, Stockton, Southampton, Taunton, Tenterdon, Thetford, Tynemouth,

Warrington, Wenlock (Salop), West Ham, West Hartlepool, Windsor.

The Provosts of Glasgow, Dornoch, Elgin, Forfar, Fortros Nairn.

The Chairmen of the County Council for London, Cumberland, Derby, Westmorland.

The Chairmen of the Board of Guardians of Mile End Bermondsey, Appleby, Brighton, Oswestry, Romsey (Hants Wellington (Salop), Medway.

The Chairmen of the Combination Parochial Board of Glasgow.

Editors of the Daily Telegraph, Bradford Observer, Brighton Examiner, Brighton Mail, Cumberland (West) Times, Cumberland (North) Reformer, Carlisle Patriot, Essex County Chronicle, Midland Free Press, Leeds Express, Leicester Chronicle, Leicester Daily Post, Somerset Express, South Wales Daily News.

The Chairmen of School Boards of Bacup, Bradford, Brighton, Darwin, Dolgelley, Festiniog, Harwich, Hove, Ayr (Scotland). The Chairman of the Leeds Liberal Association. The Chairman of the Midland Counties Liberal Federation. President of the Norwich Women's Liberal Federation. The Chairman of Newcastle and Gateshead Trade and Labour Council.

The Chairman of Leeds Trades Council.

The Chairman of Wigan and District Trades Union.
The Secretary of Midland District Trades Council.
General Secretary of Amalgamated Society of Railway

Servants.

Secretary of Glasgow United Trades Council.
Chairman and Secretary of London Society of Compositors.
Chairman of London Labour Conciliation and Arbitration
Board.

The Memorial has been signed by about eighty members of Parliament, twenty members of the London County Council, twenty members of the Common Council, and by the Chairmen of several influential Trades Councils.

In order to pave the way for the reception of the National Memorial, the Prime Minister has been asked to receive a deputation from the Associated Churches repre

of Peace we cannot be silent at this juncture. We believe that in urging upon Her Majesty's Government in the name of Christianity the duty of availing themselves of the present opportunity, we are asking for a course of action which is in harmony with all that is noblest in our country's history.

There is a widespread belief that the initiative can be best taken by Her Majesty's Government. The neutral policy of this country, the smallness of her offensive armaments, her insular position, the commanding personal influence of Her Majesty and the friendly relations in which she finds herself with all the European Powers, appear to give her a unique opportunity, and to impose upon her in this matter a

sented at the Conference held at the Society of Friends, Devonshire House, on April 17th. The memorialists, who represent all the Free Churches-whose representative bodies have formally passed resolutions in favour of the Memorial-say that they think the prayer represents the Christian feeling of the country on the subject:

They say there are abundant signs that throughout Europe the feeling of general unrest and almost of despair under the burdens of militarism is giving place to a growing hope in the possibility of a pacific issue from the present situation. The views of M. Jules Simon and others have awakened a wide response upon the Continent, alike from the highest and the humblest quarters. As professed followers of the Prince

1894.

unique responsibility. While not presuming to suggest the precise line of action which may be expedient, we desire earnestly to ask Her Majesty's Government to propose to the other Powers the adoption of some practical step designed to promote the international reduction of armaments and the establishment of some permanent system of International Arbitration.

We are aware of the practical difficulties that may lie in the way of action. But we have every confidence that, in considering this momentous question, Her Majesty's Government will approach it in the spirit of greatness proper to the great purpose in view and to the high influence which, under the blessing of God, England may exercise in the promotion of international peace.

THE WAR IN KOREA.

A DESCRIPTION OF THE SEAT OF WAR.

MR. A. H. SAVAGE-LANDOR describes a visit to Korea in the Fortnightly Review. As Korea is, at the present moment, occupied with Japan and China fighting out their differences, the article will attract widespread attention. Mr. Landor says:

The Koreans, it must be understood, are lazy and depressed, but they are by no means stupid. I have come across people there who would be thought marvellously clever in any civilised country; and when they wish to learn anything, they are wonderfully quick at understanding even matters of which they have never heard before. Languages come easy to them, and their pronunciation of foreign tongues is infinitely better than that of their neighbours the Chinese or the Japanese.

the climate of Kores being colder than that of Canada. Seoul, the capital of the Korean kingdom, is the only city where wider streets are found, and the main street, leading to the royal palace, is indeed immensely wide, so much so that two rows of smaller thatched houses and shops are built in the middle of the street itself, thus forming, as it were, three parallel streets of one street; but these houses are removed and pulled down twice or three times a year when his Majesty the King chooses to come out of his palace and goes in his state chair, either to visit the tombs of his ancestors, some miles out of the town, or to meet the envoys of the Chinese Emperor. The palace grounds are rather pretty, and in a small pavilion on the lake the king spends some of his very few hours of leisure in summer. When the king goes for a day out of the palace grounds, it is a great event in Seoul: the troops are summoned up, and line each side of the road leading to the palace. It is indeed a strauge sight to see, in these days,

RUSSIAN
Vadivostok

3 OF PETER THE GREAT

Women are charming and often good-looking, though it is rarely that one has a chance of seeing them. They are kept almost in seclusion, and when they go out they cover their face with a white or a green hood, very similar in shape to the one worn by the women at Malta. Their dress is somewhat peculiar, and deserves to be described. They wear huge trousers, padded up inside with cotton wool, and socks similarly padded, which are fastened tight round the ankles to the trousers. Over these is a shortish skirt tied very high over the waist; and a tiny jacket, generally white, red, or green, completes the wardrobe of most Korean women, one peculiarity about this jacket being that it is so short that both breasts are left uncovered, which is a curious and most unpractical fashion,

The

soldiers in armour and carrying old-fashioned spears, and with their wide-awake black hats with a long red tassel hanging down on the shoulders; but stranger still they look in rainy weather, when a small umbrella is fastened over the hat. cavalry soldiers still retain their old uniforms, while the infantry have a sort of semi-European costume which is quite comical to look at. The infantry have guns of all sorts, ages, and descriptions, from old flint locks to repeating breechloaders Almost in the centre of the town is another high hill, Mount Nanzam, on the summit of which a signal station is placed. and from which, by means of burning fires, signals are transmitted to other similar stations on the tops of the higher peaks in Korea, and by this simple means a signal sent by the king

from the Palace groands is in a very short time telegraphed to any of the most distant provinces in the kingdom, and rice versa. Of course the drawback of the system is that messages can only be conveyed at night.

The capital of Korea, Seoul, is situated about twenty-five miles inland, its port being Chemulpo, called Jinsen by the Japanese, and Jing-Chiang by the Chinese.

Chemulpo hardly deserves the name of a Korean port, for though it is in Korea, there are but few Korean houses, the bulk of structures there being Japanese and Chinese. The little trade, consisting mostly of grain exportation, is carried on almost entirely by Japanese and Chinese, while the importation of cotton and a few miscellaneous articles is done by an American and a German merchant. The post-office is in the hands of the Japanese, the telegraphs are under the control of the Chinese, as well as the customs revenue, which is looked after by officials in the Chinese service. All the cities in Korea are walled, and the gates are opened at sunrise and closed with the setting sun.

A PLEA FOR HERESY AND SCHISM.
BY MR. GLADSTONE.

MR. GLADSTONE in his life has played many parts, but few even of those who believed him capable of explaining away anything would have ventured to have anticipated that he would have closed his career by publishing a plea in extenuation of heresy and schism. Even those who entirely agree with all that he says in vindication of heretics and schismatics, will marvel that it should have been left to so staunch a defender of the Anglican orthodoxy to discover in his closing years the virtues which are often described as if they were deadly sins. It is difficult to see why Mr. Gladstone should have written this paper. There is one passage in which it almost seems as if he were intending to deliver a lefthanded blow at the Progressive Party in the London School Board elections, and again he seems to evince a desire to smite the churchmen who, with few exceptions, have deserted the Gladstonian cause. It is possible, however, that the article was written from a mere delight in the semi-theological exercitation of revelling in the region of hair-splitting and casuistry which has always possessed peculiar aftractions for Mr. Gladstone's subtle intellect. He begins boldly and characteristically.

THE LEADING CASE OF IDOLATRY AND USURY.

He says that the interdict upon idolatry and the making of graven images, which was so peremptorily expressed in the Old Testament, is no longer regarded as a sin by the Church, which fills its sacred fanes with graven images, the Ten Commandments notwithstanding. Further he points out that the Old Testament was equally categorical in its denunciation of the system of usury, whereas usury under the credit system has become the very basis of society. Then he asks, if idolatry and usury can find salvation, why not heresy and schism? and once started on this tack, he soon has abundant opportunity to prove that nowadays it is almost impossible for any one to be either a heretic or a schismatic in the sense in which those words were used by the early Church. Circumstances have changed, and with them the comparative gravity of the offence denounced by the early writers. Heresy and schism have come into the Church, and have come to stay.

DIVISION PART OF THE DIVINE ORDER.

The divisions of Christendom perpetuated now for centuries, and in the case of the Eastern Church for more than a thousand years, suggest that they indeed form part of the Divine order :

It may in the first place be said that I am playing with edge-tools; that the record of Scripture is plain and strong, written on the sacred page as in characters of fire. Do not, it will be said, attenuate, do not explain away, a teaching which is Divine. You are tempting your fellow-creatures to walk in slippery paths, and if they should fall you will have incurred no small responsibility.

My reply is as follows. In the cases of idolatry and of usury, I have sought to follow the guidance of Scripture itself; and, it should be remembered that Scripture is not a stereotype projected into the world at a given time and place, but is a record of comprehensive and progressive teaching, applicable to a nature set under providential discipline, observant of its wants which must vary with its growth, and adapting thereto in the most careful manner, its provisions.

What I have attempted is, to distinguish between the facts of heresy and schism as they stood in the Apostolic age, and the corresponding facts as they present themselves to us at a period when the ark of God has weathered eighteen hundred years of changeful sea and sky.

DISSENT JUDGED BY ITS FRUITS.

Mr. Gladstone vindicates heresy by pointing to the fact that, by the evangelical precept, by their fruits shall ye know them, heresies have by no means borne only thorns and thistles. The following passage concerning Nonconformists, and the part they have played in Christianising politics, will be read with considerable bitterness in the pale of Mr. Gladstone's own communion :

I must admit that, at periods not wholly beyond my memory, and in appreciably large portions of the country, it has appeared as if the hands principally charged with the training of souls for God were he hands mainly or only of Nonconformists. If in the abstract it be difficult to find justification for English Nonconformity, yet when we view it as a fact, it must surely command our respect and sympathy. If so we cannot dare to curse what God seems in many ways to have blessed and honoured, in electing it to perform duties neglected by others, and in emboldening it to take a forward part, not limited to our narrow shores, on behalf of the broadest interests of Christianity. Here, indeed, I may speak as one who in some degree at least knows that whereof he is talking. I have seen and known and but too easily could quote the cases, in which the Christian side of political controversies has been largely made over by the members of the English Church to the championship of Nonconformists. I take it for example to be beyond all question that, had the matter depended wholly on the sentiment and action of the National Church, the Act for the extinction of negro slavery would not have been passed so soon as in the year 1833.

ITS TESTIMONY TO THE TRINITY.

Then, again, Mr. Gladstone finds a wonderful argument in favour of the Christian religion from the unity with which its central principles are held, notwithstanding the innumerable differences which divide Christendom. He points out that the Latin, the Eastern, and the Reformed Churches, divided though they are into innumerable sects, nevertheless testify with one voice as to the essential tenets of Christianity. He says:

The tenets upon which these dissonant and conflicting bodies are agreed, are the great central tenets of the Holy Trinity and of the incarnation of our Lord. But these constitute the very kernel of the whole Gospel. Everything besides, that clusters round them, including the doctrines respecting the Church, the Ministry, the Sacraments, the Communion of Saints, and the great facts of eschatology, is only developments which have been embodied in the historic Christianity of the past, as auxiliary to the great central purpose of Redemption; that original promise which was vouchsafed to sinful man at the outset of his sad experience, and which was duly accomplished when the fulness of time had come.

If, then, the Christian Church has sustained heavy loss through its divisions in the weight of its testimonials, and in its aggressive powers as against the world, I would still ask