which is there so much, that what we saw at Oviedo might not well have been left, neither is this so much but that which is at Mons might well have been given.

"In the church below, in a hollow made for this purpose, with grates, and a gate well ornamented, is one of the vessels which our Redeemer Jesus Christ filled with miraculous wine at the marriage in Galilee. It is of white marble, of an ancient fashion, more than three feet high, and two wide at the mouth, and contains more than six arrobas. And forasmuch as it is in the wall of the church of K. Alonso el Casto, and all the work about it is very ancient, it may be believed that the said king ordered it to be placed there.” - Coronica General de Espana, L. 13. C. 40.

Morales gives an outline of this vessel in his Journal, and observes, that if the Christians transported it by land, particular strength and the aid of God would have been necessary to carry it so many leagues, and move it over the rugged mountains of Europa; but, he adds, it might have come by water from Andalusia or Portugal, and in that case this would have been a land journey of

only four or five leagues. In his Journal, Morales mentions certain other relics of which the church of Oviedo boasted, but for which he required better evidence than could be adduced for them. Such were a portion of To

bit's fish, and of Sampson's honey-comb, with other such things, which, he says, would lessen the credit of the Ark, where, according to the Bishop of Oviedo, D. Pelayo, and Sebastian, Bishop of Salamanca, they were deposited. Of these precious relics he says nothing in his history, neither does he mention a piece of Moses's rod, a large piece of St. Bartholomew's skin, and the sole of St. Peter's shoe, all which he enumerates in his Journal, implying rather than expressing his doubts of their authenticity. As a scrupulous and faithful antiquary, Morales was accustomed to require evidence, and to investigate it; and for these he could find no other testimony than tradition and antiquity, which, as presumptive proofs, were strong corroborants of faith, but did not suffice of themselves. The Holy Ark has all the evidence which he required, and the reverence with which he regarded it, is curiously expressed in his Journal. "I have now," he says, "described the material part of the Camara Santa. The spiritual and devout character which it derives from the sacred treasures which it contains, and the feeling which is experienced upon entering it, cannot be described without giving infinite thanks to our Lord, that he has been pleased to suffer a wretch like me to enjoy it. I write this in the church before the grating, and God knows I am as it were beside myself

with fear and reverence, and I can only beseech God to give me strength to proceed with that for which I have no power myself."-T. 10. Viage, p. 91.

Morales, like Origen, had given in his youth a decisive proof of the sincerity of his religious feelings, and it sometimes seems as if he had emasculated his mind as well as his body. But with all this abject superstition, he was a thoroughly pious and good man. His life is deeply interesting, and his writings, besides their great historical and antiquarian value, derive additional interest from the picture of the author's mind which they so frequently display. The portrait prefixed to the last edition of his work is singularly characteristic.

The proud array,

-Which Leuvigild for after kings

Left, ostentatious of his power?-XVIII. p. 57. "Postremum bellum Suevis intulit, regnumque eorum in jura gentis suæ mirâ celeritate transmisit. Hispania magna ex parte potitus, nam antea gens Gothorum angustis finibus arctabatur. · Fiscum quoque primus iste locupletavit, primusque ærarium de rapinis civium, hostiumque manubiis auxit. Primusque etiam inter suos reNam ante eum et ha

gali veste opertus in solio resedit.

bitus et consessus communis, ut populo, ita et regibus erat.” - S. Isidor. Hist. Goth.-Espana Sagrada, 6. 498-9.

The Sueve.-XVIII. p. 58.

As late as the age of the Philips, the Portugueze were called Sevosos by the Castillians, as an opprobrious name. Brito says, It was the old word Suevos continued and corrupted, and used contemptuously, because its origin was forgotten.- Monarchia Lusitana, 2. 6. 4.

When the Suevi and Alani over-ran Spain they laid siege to Lisbon, and the Saints Maxima, Julia, and Verissimus (a most undoubted personage) being Lisbonians, were applied to by their town's people to deliver them. Accordingly, a sickness broke out in the besieger's camp, and they agreed to depart upon payment of a sum of money. Bernardo de Brito complains that Blondus and Sabellicus, in their account of this transaction, have been so careless as to mention the money, and omit the invocation of the Saints.-M. Lus. 2. 5. 23.

Lord of Hosts, &c.—XVIII. p. 61.

The substance of these prayers will be found in the forms of coronation observed by the Anglo-Saxons, and in the early ages of the French monarchy. I am indebted for them to Turner's most valuable History of the

Anglo-Saxons, and to Mr. Lingard's Antiquities of the Anglo-Saxon Church, a work not more full of erudition than it is of Catholic sophistry and misrepresentation.

Roderick brought

The buckler. - XVIII. p. 62.

Toman, diziendo aquesto, un ancho escudo
El Duque y Conde y hombres principales,
De pies encima el Principe membrudo
Lo levantan assi del suelo iguales:
Y alçarlo en peso, quanto alçar se pudo
De alçarlo por su Rey fueron senales,
Real, Real, Real, diziendo todos,
Segun costumbre antigua de los Godos.

Ch. de Messa. Restauracion de Espana, L. 4. ff. 34.

Rejoice,

O Leon, for thy banner is display'd.

XVIII. p. 64.

་

"La primera ciudad que gano dizen fue Leon, y desde alli se llamo Rey de Leon, y tomo por armas un Leon roxo en campo blanco, dexando las antiguas armas de los Godos, que eran un Leon bermejo rapante, en campo azul, buelta la cara atras, sobre tres ondas blancas y azules." Fran. de Pisa. Desc. de Toledo, L. 3. C. 2.