cates of silver and of making the election turn inevitably upon the financial question. Even before this, the Democratc party in the West and South had become practically a free-silver party. The conventions of thirty States had passed resolutions approving the free coinage of silver at a ratio of 16 to 1. Only ten States had declared for the maintenance of the gold standard. The convention of one State alone (Florida) had ignored the money issue altogether. It was so plain that the approaching National Convention of the Democratic Party would be controlled by the free-silver men, that many conservative Democrats (or "Cleveland Democrats," as they were called) were at first inclined to take no part in the Convention's counsels, but to break openly with their party in advance of its assemblage. From this course, however, they were dissuaded by President Cleveland himself, who, on June 16th, caused a letter to be published which may be considered his last official utterance as the head of the Democratic party. In it his faith in the ultimate good sense of the people was still apparent. His tone was stillboth confident and courageous. A National Convention, wrote he, is a gathering for conference and reflection. No Democrat should refuse to take part in it from sheer faint-heartedness or with the belief that its conclusions are predetermined. On the contrary, every one should do all within his power to guide its deliberations to wise and salutary ends. "A cause worth fighting for is worth fighting for to the end."

This spirited summons rallied the conservative leaders. of the party; and when the Convention met at Chicago on July 7th, both factions were fully represented there. But as soon as the delegates began to arrive, it was plain that only a miracle of management could stem the tide

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that had set in for free silver. As Mr. Richard P. Bland expressed it in a published interview, the Democracy of the West were convinced that "the gold standard meant bankruptcy," and that the Convention would declare for the "free coinage of silver at 16 to 1 and d-n the consequences!" A correspondent of the New York World, which was the organ of the Cleveland Democrats, described the situation in Chicago very accurately in these words: "The Silverites will be invincible if united and harmonious; but they have neither machine nor boss. The opportunity is here; the man is lacking."

Such was, indeed, the case. There were present men who in former years had exercised almost dictatorial power in Democratic conventions; but they were now swept aside unheeded, or made to feel that they were distrusted and disliked. Senator Hill, Mr. Whitney and ex-Governor Flower of New York were there, and so were ex-Governor W. E. Russell of Massachusetts and General Bragg of Wisconsin; yet they were lost in the swirling mob that marched and shouted and sang, without leadership or any definite purpose save a desire to

smash things" and to shake off the domination of the East. Fanatics like Altgeld and Tillman rode the crest of this human deluge, and their wild talk harmonised with the reckless mood of those who listened to them eagerly. One finds it interesting to speculate upon the feelings with which Senator Gorman of Maryland must have watched the strange scenes that were taking place on the eve of this Convention of his party. At the Convention of 1892, he had been an honoured leader. The cause for which he then contended had triumphed at the polls. A Democratic President and a Democratic Congress had sought to keep their pledges to the nation by 16 Interview in New York World, July 1, 1896.

wise and moderate counsels, by the remission of unjust taxation, and by shaking off the grasp of the money power. But Mr. Gorman and those who acted with him had turned that great victory to naught. They had humiliated their chosen leader, and made the professions of their party seem dishonest and ridiculous. Yet in doing this, they had sown the wind, and they were now blasted by the whirlwind of political retribution. Who in all this vociferous multitude cared for what Mr. Gorman and his associates wished or thought? The most uncouth delegate from a mining camp was here of more importance than the smooth Senator from Maryland, who, having by his machinations sapped the strength of the conservative Democracy, had thus unbarred the flood-gates of a furious torrent which was already far beyond control.

How completely the great majority of the delegates had cast away their old allegiances was made evident when the Convention first assembled on July 7th, in a vast structure, styled the Coliseum, under whose spreading roof of glass and iron fifteen thousand human beings were crowded together in the heat of a summer sun. The National Committee was still controlled by the conservative element of the party; and this Committee now presented to the Convention the name of Senator Hill of New York as its selection for the temporary chairmanship. Both usage and etiquette required that their choice should be ratified by the delegates as a matter of ordinary courtesy. But not even for a temporary office would the majority accept an Eastern man who was also an opponent of free silver. A debate, remarkable for its bitterness, at once began; and in opposition to Mr. Hill, Senator John W. Daniel of Virginia, an ardent silver advocate, was put in nomination, and was elected to the temporary chair

manship by the decisive vote of 556 to 349. A preliminary test of strength had now been made; and from this moment the silver men were exultantly aware of their supremacy. An eye-witness of the scene thus noted its significance: "The sceptre of political power has passed from the strong, certain hands of the East to the feverish, headstrong mob of the West and South." 17 During the debate, a delegate had casually spoken the name of President Cleveland. Many of the spectators at once rose to their feet and cheered; but it was an ominous circumstance that not a single delegate joined in the cheering, even those from New York remaining silent in their places. Mr. Altgeld, on the other hand, was greeted with yells of unrestrained delight.

Having won this victory, and having listened to an address by Senator Daniel, the Convention adjourned until the following day. When it reassembled on the morning of July 8th, it was plain that the silver faction meant to use its power to the full. By a sweeping majority, the representation of each Territory was augmented from two members to six. The delegation from Nebraska, which was pledged to support the gold standard, was unseated, and a contesting delegation of silver men, with Mr. William J. Bryan at its head, was admitted to the Convention. Four gold delegates from Michigan were rejected, and four silver delegates were substituted in their place, thus giving to the silver faction, under the unit rule, the solid vote of Michigan. Having effected these changes, all of which greatly increased the strength of the majority, Senator S. M. White of California was made permanent President of the Convention.

On July 9th, the Committee on Resolutions reported a platform devoted almost wholly to the money question, 17 New York World, July 8, 1896.

which was declared to be "paramount to all others at this time." The platform, after denouncing the demonetisation of silver as being the cause of the prevalent financial distress, went on to say:

"We are unalterably opposed to monometallism, which has locked fast the prosperity of an industrial people in the paralysis of hard times. Gold monometallism is a British policy, and its adoption has brought other nations into financial servitude to London. . . We demand the free and unlimited coinage of both silver and gold at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1 without waiting for the aid or consent of any other nation. We demand that the standard silver dollar shall be a full legal tender, equally with gold, for all debts, public and private; and we favour such legislation as will prevent for the future the demonetisation of any kind of legal-tender money by private contract."

The resolutions were made to condemn "the issuing of interest-bearing bonds of the United States in time of peace and . the trafficking with banking syndicates "; and to denounce "arbitrary interference by Federal authorities in local affairs," and especially government by injunction," which was described as "a new and highly dangerous form of oppression, by which Federal judges become at once legislators, judges and executioners." "Life tenure in the public service" was also disapproved in favour of appointments for fixed terms of office. The Monroe Doctrine was reaffirmed; sympathy was expressed for the people of Cuba in their struggle for independence; and an enlargement of the powers of the Interstate Commerce Commission was demanded, together with such "control of railroads as will protect the people from robbery and oppression."

It will be noted that, contrary to all usage, the plat