Admiral, was directed to blockade the coast of Cuba. The President, almost simultaneously, called by proclamation for 125,000 volunteers. Already detachments of regular troops were moving southward. Erelong they began to pitch their tents in Key West. On April 25th, Congress, by a unanimous vote of both Houses, made a formal declaration of war.

It was with a feeling of relief that Americans received the tidings of this momentous step. At last the long expected hour had come. The nation entered upon the struggle à cœur léger. Curiously enough, there was expressed no hatred of the Spanish people. The war appeared to the multitude in the light of a romantic episode, a picturesque adventure. In the cities, at the theatres and restaurants, orchestras played patriotic airs, intermingling "The Star Spangled Banner" with the strains. of "Dixie." Men and women leaped to their feet and sang the words. An air of buoyant gaiety pervaded every gathering. Once more the nation was truly and inseparably one, and patriotism was not merely dominant,—it was the fashion.

Far more remarkable was the manner in which the news was greeted in Great Britain. Within six hours after the cable had told the story, all London burst out into the rainbow hues of the American national colours. Thousands of American flags floated from shops, hotels and private houses; while streamers of red, white and blue effected a brilliant contrast with the smoky walls of the metropolis. A great multitude of people assembled before the American Embassy, cheering heartily for the United States. No such demonstration in behalf of another country had ever before been witnessed in the British capital. It banished from the hearts of all Ameri

cans who witnessed it the memory of other days, when the ties of blood and language had been nearly sundered.

But history was already making. From Washington, on the preceding day, a brief despatch had flashed around the world to Commodore Dewey at Hong Kong:

"War has commenced between the United States and Spain. Proceed at once to the Philippine Islands. Commence operations at once, particularly against Spanish fleet. You must capture vessels or destroy. Use utmost endeavours."

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CHAPTER XIII

THE WAR WITH SPAIN

COMMODORE DEWEY, on the Asiatic station, had his squadron well in hand. The vessels which composed it were not reckoned among the most powerful ships of the new navy, but they were in a state of high efficiency, and in their class they were as good as any in the world. Lying at Hong Kong was the flagship Olympia, a protected cruiser of 5800 tons and carrying a fine armament of modern guns. With her were the Baltimore, a protected cruiser of 4600 tons, and the Raleigh, a protected cruiser of 3217 tons. At Mirs Bay, on the Chinese coast, thirty miles distant from Hong Kong, were the protected cruiser Boston, of 3000 tons, the gunboats Concord and Petrel, and the armed revenue-cutter McCulloch, together with a collier and a supply-ship.1 Every one of these vessels had received the last touch necessary to the perfection of preparedness. The complicated machinery had been overhauled under the keen eyes of the Commodore himself; the ammunition-hoists had been tested. All the bunkers were filled with coal, and the magazines were stored to their full capacity. Finally, the crews were superbly disciplined, devoted to their officers, and eager for any duty, however hazardous, that it might be theirs to undertake. As the vessels lay at anchor with steam up, they resembled a group of perfectly trained athletes, impatient for the summons to

1 The collier was the Nanshan; the supply ship was the Zafiro.

was weak. What, then, stood in the way of finding in South America an outlet for German emigration, in a country over which the flag of imperial Germany might be ultimately raised? Nothing, save the fixed purpose of the United States that no part of the American Continent should be regarded as subject to future colonisation by any European power. But how far, so queried the Kaiser, was a nation of traders and money-grubbers able to maintain this doctrine in the face of a great military State like Germany? Of how much importance was the new American navy? What fighting power was there in the sort of "armed mob" which Americans were satisfied to call an army? These questions doubtless flitted through the Kaiser's mind at the moment when war seemed to be impending between the United States and Spain. Here was a rare opportunity for testing the American capacity for war against the fleets and armies of a European nation. The theoretical soldiers at Berlin knew that Spain had two hundred thousand regular troops in Cuba. They knew, also, that Spain possessed on paper a navy not much inferior to that of the United States. They argued, therefore, that the war must be a fairly long one, and that if the Americans invaded Cuba with their motley forces, equipped with small arms that were obsolete, and unprovided with siege artillery, they must inevitably be defeated by the Spanish regulars. As to the navy, the Germans were not so sure; but at least they thought that the contest on the sea would be fairly even. Hence the Kaiser looked for a prolonged struggle, with the odds somewhat in favour of Spain, at least at the beginning of the war. In order that these odds might be quite overwhelming, the officials in the Wilhelmsstrasse conceived the plan of a diplomatic demonstration by the

chief Continental Powers, which should hint at intervention on behalf of Spain. This scheme to embarrass the American Government appears to have found a ready acceptance at the French Foreign Office and undoubtedly at Vienna. Its consummation must, however, be carried out in Washington.

There remained one factor in the situation with which these three pro-Spanish Powers had still to reckon. This was the attitude of Great Britain, as to which nothing as yet was known, but which was of the very last importance. If that nation, with its mighty fleet, should give even a passive support to the scheme of intervention, then the United States might well be forced to halt and to recede from aggressive action. Lord Salisbury had sent explicit instructions to Sir Julian Pauncefote in Washington; but the purport of these instructions was unknown. On April 6th, Sir Julian, as Dean of the Diplomatic Corps, received at the British Embassy the representatives of France, Austria, Germany and Italy. Just what took place at this gathering is not definitely known. It is practically certain, however, that the Continental diplomats suggested that a joint note be addressed to President McKinley, couched in such terms as to imply a cordial understanding between the signers of the note on behalf of their respective governments. It was intended so to word this letter as to make it in effect a protest against the attitude of the United States, and an intimation that the five great Powers would not view with indifference an attack upon the sovereignty of Spain in Cuba. To the consternation of the plotters, the British Ambassador gave a flat refusal. Great Britain would not, by word or deed, do anything to mar the very cordial relations which now existed between her and the United