-that he was the intimate friend of Hamilton and other great Federalists, and that it is probably owing to the determined hostility which he discovered in them towards France, that the government of that country consider us only as objects of plunder." May it not with more probability be ascribed to other combining causes-to his knowledge of the influence of France in the United States -of Jefferson's and Madison's-and Giles paltering with Genet,* to the tardy resentment by the Government of diplomatic audacity, to the corruption of Randolph, to his hate of Washington,† to his contempt of Democracy. ‡

In the last number of the "Stand," speaking of the subterfuge of Jefferson, distinguishing between the Directory and the Minister, Hamilton remarked:

"The inventor of it well knew that the Executive organ of a nation never comes forward in person to negotiate with foreign ministers; and that, unless it be presumed to direct and adopt what is done by

* Monroe writes Genet, "I am happy to hear your Government has recalled you to its own, and the bosom of your friends. As a friend to free government your name will be recorded in the history of the present day." He commends the "uprightness of his heart and the integrity of his conduct while a victim to pure principles." Genet replies, alluding to the secrecy in which he "had buried the most justificatory parts of his instructions," and representing himself as 66 a victim to calm your Washington, supposing that he only wanted one virtue, that of knowing to pardon. If you see Mr. Giles, tell him, that I shall never forget all his kindnesses to me and his precious confessions in the winter of '93-'94; but that I wonder how it came to pass that on the 25th of May, 1797, he thought proper to lift up the tomahawk and the hatchet against my political ghost in Congress. Had I not tormentors enough

As

it is said in the song of the dying Indian, 'The son of Alknomook has scorned to complain.'"

Washington, from intimations of the probable dissatisfaction of the French Government, refused to admit Talleyrand to his levees; but it was intimated to him, that he might have a private interview. This he refused, observing, "If I cannot enter the front door, I will not go in the back."

"A Democracy," said Talleyrand-" A Democracy-What is it but an Aristocracy of blackguards?"

its agents, it may always be sheltered from responsibility or blame. The recourse to so pitiful an evasion, betrays in its author a systematic design to excuse France at all events; to soften a spirit of submission to every violence she may commit; and to prepare the way for implicit subjection to her will. To be the proconsul of a despotic Directory over the United States, degraded to the condition of a province, can alone be the criminal aim of so seditious, so prostitute a character. The subaltern mercenaries went still farther. Publications appeared endeavoring to justify or extenuate the demands upon our envoys, and to inculcate the slavish doctrine of compliance. The United States, they said, are the aggressors, and ought to make atonement. France assisted them in their Revolution with loans, and they ought to reciprocate the benefit. Peace is a boon worth the price paid for it and it ought to be paid. In this motley form, our country was asked to sink, voluntarily and without a struggle, into a state of tributary vassalage. Americans were found audacious and base enough to join in the chorus of a foreign nation, which calls upon us to barter our independence for a respite from the lash."

.

"The charge of aggression," Hamilton asserted, "is false. The loans during the Revolution were asked to be reimbursed, and were freely granted for mutual advantage. The loans now asked are contributions, by the coercion of a power which had already wrested an immense property, for which it owes compensation. To pay such a price for peace is to prefer peace to independence. The nation which becomes tributary takes a master. The despatches prove, by the unreserved confession of her agents, that France placed absolute dependence on the Gallic faction in every event; and counts upon their devotion to her, as an encouragement to the hard conditions which they attempt to impose. The people of this country must be infatuated indeed, if, after this plain confession, they are at a loss for the true source of the evils they have suffered, or may hereafter suffer from the despots of France. 'Tis the unnatural league of a portion of our citizens with the oppressors of their country!"

The menacing aspect of affairs impelled the Federalists to action, but the same efforts to thwart all preparations for defence, which had preceded these disclosures, were renewed. A bill passed the Senate authorizing an additional armament for the further protection of the

trade. There, under the immediate eye of Jefferson, a clause, which provided, that, in the employment of it to convoy, it should be governed by the stipulations of subsisting treaties, and where none existed, by the law of nations, was sought to be amended by adding the phrase, "as applicable to a state of neutrality." When this act came before the House, a clause expressly authorizing the employment of the vessels as convoys, after a warm opposition, was expunged!

Nicholas objected wholly to the creation of a navy. "If we cannot," he said, "protect our commerce without injuring the rest of the Union, the government ought to say to our commercial citizens, 'We lament your situation, for a time you must act as well as you can. In times of peace, we will make you all the recompense we can.' This was all this class of citizens could expect, and all they ought to ask." The decision to strike out the clause authorizing convoys was carried by the concurring vote of the Federalists, who took the ground, that the Constitution gave to the President the command of the Navy; that to employ it for the purpose of convoy did not require the sanction of Congress, but resulted from the Constitution. Gallatin denied this doctrine, and proposed to insert an express prohibition of its being so employed. In time of peace, he considered the right of a convoy in a neutral nation as doubtful, and denied its policy. Notwithstanding all the depredations, the commerce of the country had greatly increased. This measure, he declared, would lead to war, and we had better suffer the French to go on with their depredations, as the contest with Europe was approaching its termination, than go to war. The calmness of this avowal was indig nantly denounced as advising all that France desired; and as conclusive evidence, that she had successfully ex

erted her "diplomatic skill," and used her "means with the most perfect address and sincerity."-" It was an encouragement to further depredations—a system of passive obedience and non-resistance. It asked us to surrender our commerce, to abandon our seamen; and was called peace. But is this a peace worthy the American Republic to cultivate? No American would say so."-The restriction was rejected, and the bill passed reducing the number of vessels to be provided, from sixteen to twelve. When the amendments of the House came before the Senate, Tazewell moved to postpone them until the next session, but the bill became a law.

This great arm of war required a systematic super vision. After unsuccessful attempts to limit its duration to one and to four years, a bill passed the Senate, establishing "a Department of the Navy." Much opposition was made by Gallatin, Livingston and Macon, but it was carried in the House by six votes, and George Cabot was immediately appointed Secretary of the Navy. An act was subsequently passed augmenting the naval force, by authorizing the purchase of ten vessels to be employed as galleys; and another creating a corps of marines.

Congress proceeded to carry into effect the other measures of defence suggested by Hamilton. A law, which had been defeated at the previous session, was enacted, adding a regiment of artillery to the permanent establishment; and by another act, the President was enabled to procure cannon, arms and ammunition. When the former law was under discussion, it was sought to limit its duration to one year!

While these subjects were before the House, where an effort to organize the militia into separate classes had been again unsuccessfully made,-the Senate authorized the President to raise a Provisional Army, not to exceed

twenty thousand men, in case the circumstances of the country should, in his opinion, require it. A determined stand was taken against this Act. On its first reading, Nicholas urged the immediate rejection of it. He denied the necessity of any such law under any modification ;— but this law proposed to transfer to the Executive the highest act of legislative power... power to raise an army-which he was to exercise at pleasure. Gallatin denied the Constitutionality of the act. The Constitution said, Congress shall raise and support an army, not provide for the raising of an army. If Congress could delegate this power, they might delegate that of raising taxes. In reply to this objection, the inquiry was made-Cannot the Legislature authorize the President to begin to raise an army two months from this time? If so, may they not declare he may do it upon certain contingencies ? Did the bill authorize an immediate enlistment, it would be objected, there was no evidence that the force would certainly be required; and when proposed to be raised, in case it should be required, it is opposed. Did not Congress intrust the President with the power of borrowing money? "What was there," Harper asked, "to prevent a delegation of authority to the Executive to collect specific taxes, if they should be required? What is our internal state? Do you not know, that France has in view a plan upon which they place great reliance, of gaining over to their cause, a certain class of men who abound in the Southern States, and thus subjugate or destroy the country?-Had not Victor Hughes, whose desperate character was known, a body of five thousand troops ready in the West Indies, to strike a blow whenever he shall be ordered? With such a force, within five days' sail, shall we rely on our sparse militia, fold our