proprietors. The direct tax was subsequently appor tioned among the States, to be assessed by a percentage according to the classes of the houses, and to be collected by the collectors of the internal revenue. Fifty cents was charged on each slave, and the residue upon lands according to the valuations. An examination of this system does not leave a doubt, that Hamilton's plan would have been more equal-more certain-more productive— less onerous.

The loans advised by Hamilton were authorized by two acts. One of five millions, payable at the expiration of fifteen years. Another of two millions upon the credit, and in anticipation of the direct tax, at an interest not to exceed six per cent., to be reimbursed at pleasure.

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The opposition to an increase of the army had been strenuously continued. The friends of the administration, in vain, for a long time, urged the imprudence of delay. But near the end of the session, on the twenty-eighth of May, a bill for that purpose passed. The President was authorized, in the event of a declaration of war against the United States, or of actual invasion of their territory, by a foreign power, or of imminent danger of such invasion, discovered in his opinion to exist before the next session of Congress, to cause to be enlisted and to call into actual service a number of troops not exceeding ten thousand, to be enlisted for a term not exceeding three years."

He was also empowered to organize these troops into corps of artillery, cavalry, and infantry, with a suitable number of Major-Generals-an Inspector-General with the rank of Major-General-a Quartermaster-General, and Paymaster-General-Adjutant-General-and a Commander of the Army, with the rank of LIEUTEnant-Gen

ERAL.* The officers to be appointed but not to be paid until on duty. The acceptance of companies of volunteers into the service of the United States was likewise sanctioned.

*Tazewell to Madison, July 12, 1798. "It is yet uncertain whether Washington will accept the command of the army. Hamilton has been here eight or ten days, and it is believed he will have the efficient command."

CHAPTER CXLIII.

ALTHOUGH the force provided by Congress was less than Hamilton deemed necessary, yet these incipient measures, he felt assured, would vindicate the dignity of the American name, and form the groundwork of a system of defence, which might be sufficiently enlarged to secure the country from invasion. In the infant Navy, he saw the germ of a National Marine, which the interests, the habits, and the pride of the people would foster -a "Federal Navy" that would render the United States "the arbiter of Europe in America.” *

The heart of the nation was warmed;-its passions were directed to the right point, and he breathed more freely in the belief that the Government would be sustained in every effort the public safety or honor might demand. How the Executive would fulfil the large confidence reposed in him by Congress was the problem now to be solved.

The Cabinet was determined to adhere to the neutral policy of the previous administration, to precipitate nothing, to keep open all the chances of peace, but not to permit the country to be humbled. In this sentiment there was entire concurrence among its members, but a

Federalist, No. xi., by Hamilton.

difference of opinion existed as to measures.

Pickering

and McHenry believed the national resources adequate to every emergency. Wolcott, more habituated to cautious detail, hesitated on this point. But strong as was the determination of the ministers, they had to contend with a stronger, but a fitful will-the will of Adams.

The circumstances under which this eccentric, wayward man assumed the government promised him little repose. His own character gave him less. That he could have doubted whether the great interests of this yet infant country were to be promoted by peace-that peace was not only important to the temporary happiness of the people, but to the safe development of their political institutions, and thus to their permanent welfare, can with difficulty be supposed. Yet, amid the controversies which had arisen with England, he was known to have indulged feelings, and heard to hazard opinions, which, if acted upon, must have resulted in war. Jefferson never forgot, Adams long remembered their unsuccessful mission to London. Had not France offered to the President an object of wrath, it might have been difficult to have restrained him from a conflict with her rival.

That Washington instituted the mission of Pinckney to France did not commend it to Adams. He did not value the still continuing influence of that venerated person as a support, but rather regarded it as a derogation from his own power. But these personal feelings gave place to resentment at the indignity offered to the country in the rejection of that mission. He hesitated, as has been seen, whether a new mission could be instituted without national debasement, and only surrendered this doubt to most cogent considerations.

The rejection of these envoys and the demand of tribute roused all his excitability. His impulsive temper

stimulated the people, and his answers to their Addresses left not a moment for their justly roused passions to subside.

"I thank you," he said, "for your declaration of unshaken confidence in the government, and for your advice, to be prepared with firmness to repel all attempts that are made against the peace, government, and dignity of the United States, but I know of no further measures that can be pursued to produce an amicable adjustment of differences with the French Republic."-"The delusions and misrepresentations which have misled so many citizens are very serious evils, and must be discountenanced by authority, as well as by the citizens at large, or they will soon produce all kinds of calamities in this country." "With you," he replied to another, "I clearly agree, that nothing further can be attempted, consistently with the maxims that constitute the basis of our National Sovereignty."-"Your approbation of the conduct of Government, and confidence in its authorities, are very acceptable. If the choice of the people will not defend their rightswho will?"—" To me there appears no mean of averting a storm, and, in my opinion, we must all be ready to dedicate ourselves to fatigues and dangers."-"In my opinion, as well as yours, there is no alternative between war and submission to the Executive of France."-"I am weary of enumerating insults and injuries."-"I believe with you that very few will be found so unworthy of the blessings they enjoy, as to espouse the unjust and arrogant pretensions of a foreign nation, yet we have found that a few venal presses and unprincipled mercenaries have been able to raise loud clamors, produce much discontent, and threaten serious calamities."-" Your confidence that I will not surrender the rights of the nation, shall not be betrayed. If the nation were capable of such a surrender, which it is not, some other hand must affix the signature to the ignominious deed."

The tone of these replies was high, but they were not all such as Hamilton could approve. In reference to one of them, he wrote to Wolcott:

"The answer from the President contains in the close a very indifferent passage. The sentiment is intemperate and revolutionary. It is not for us, particularly for the Government, to breathe an irregular or violent spirit. Hitherto, I have much liked the President's