after the date of the previous letter, whence he also wrote to Washington on the eighth.

"I was much surprised on my arrival here, to discover that your nomination had been without any previous consultation of you. Convinced of the goodness of the motives, it would be useless to scan the propriety of the step. It is taken, and the question is, What, under the circumstances, ought to be done? I use the liberty, which my attachment to you and to the public authorizes, to offer my opinion, that you should not decline the appointment. It is evident that the public satisfaction at it is lively and universal. It is not to be doubted, that the circumstance will give an additional spring to the public mind, will tend much to unite, and will facilitate the measures which the conjuncture requires. On the other hand, your declining would certainly produce the opposite effects, would throw a great damp upon the ardor of the country, inspiring the idea that the crisis was not really serious or alarming. At least, then, let me entreat you, and in this all your friends, indeed all good citizens, will unite, that, if you do not give an unqualified acceptance, you will accept provisionally, making your entering upon the duties to depend on future events; so that the community may look up to you as their certain commander. I prefer a simple acceptance.

But

It is necessary to

"It may be well, however, to apprise you, that the arrangement of the army may demand your particular attention. The President has no relative ideas, and his prepossessions on military subjects in reference to such a point are of the wrong sort. It is easy for us to have a good army, but the selection requires care. inspire confidence in the efficient part of those who may incline to military service. Much adherence to routine would do great harm. Men of capacity and exertion in the higher stations are indispensable. It deserves consideration, whether your presence at the seat of government is not necessary. If you accept, it will be conceived that the arrangement is yours, and you will be responsible for it in reputation. This, and the influence of a right arrangement upon future success, seem to require that you should, in one mode or another, see efficaciously, that the arrangement is such as you would approve."

On the eleventh of July Washington replied to Pickering, excusing the delay of his reply by the irregularity of the mail.

"Of the fitness and ability of the gentleman you have named for a high command in the provisional army, I think as you do; and that his services ought to be secured at almost any price. What the difficulties are that present themselves to the mind of the President, in opposition to this measure, I am entirely ignorant; but, in confidence, and with the frankness you have disclosed your own sentiments on this occasion, I will unfold mine, under the view I have taken of the prospect before us, and shall do it concisely." This opinion, founded on the belief that in case of i, vasion it would be of the Southern States, was, that Pinckney, from his merits, and position, and former rank, would not accept an appointment junior to Hamilton. That it would be impolitic, and might be dangerous, by such a preference to sow the seeds of discontent in the Southern States, and that he hoped and trusted the place of "Inspector-General, with a command in the line, would satisfy Hamilton; "—but not having the laws at hand to resort to, or knowing precisely what general officers are authorized by them, he requested, "for that reason that nothing here said may be considered definitive."

Three days after, he wrote to Hamilton:

"Your letter of the eighth instant was presented to me by the Secretary of War on the eleventh, and I have consented to embark once more on a boundless field of responsibility and trouble, with two reservations. First, that the principal officers in the line and of the staff shall be such as I can place confidence in; and that I shall not be called into the field until the army is in a situation to require my presence, or it becomes indispensable by the urgency of circumstances; contributing in the meanwhile every thing in my power to its efficiency and organization, but nothing to the public expense, until I am in a situation to incur expense myself. It will be needless, after giving you this information, and having indelibly engraved on my mind, the assurance contained in your letter of the second of June, to add, that I rely upon you, as a coadjutor and assistant in the turmoils I have consented to encounter.

"I have communicated very fully with the Secretary of War on the several matters contained in the powers vested in him by the President; who, as far as it appears by them, is well disposed to accommodate." He then mentioned his recommendation of him as "InspectorGeneral and Major-General," and of Pinckney and Knox next in order,

as Major-Generals-informed him of his doubts whether Pinckney would consent to be ranked below him; for "with respect," he said, "to my friend, General Knox, whom I love and esteem, I have ranked him below you both." "Under the view," taken by him as to Pinckney, he adds, " my wish to put you first, and my fear of losing him, is not a little embarrassing. But why? for after all it rests with the President to use his pleasure. I shall only add, therefore, that, as the welfare of the country is the object I persuade myself we all have in view, I shall sanguinely hope, that smaller matters will yield to measures which have a tendency to promote it."

On the receipt of Washington's letter, Pickering communicated* its contents to Hamilton, observing:

"At all events, I trust that the same genuine patriotism which determined you and some others to encounter the perils of the American Revolution, and by your talents and active labors to swell another's glory, will prompt you again to come forth in a situation, if not at the height of my wishes and those of your friends, certainly in a situation in which you can render invaluable services, and as certainly obtain a large share of honor and of military fame."

Hamilton replied the next day:

"I had contemplated the possibility that Knox might come into service, and was content to be second to him, if thought indispensable. Pinckney, if placed over me, puts me a grade lower. I don't believe it to be necessary. I am far from certain, that he will not be content tc serve under me; but I am willing that the affair should be so managed as that the relative ranks may remain open to future settlement, to ascertain the effect of the arrangement which has been contemplated. I am not, however, ready to say, that I shall be satisfied with the appointment of Inspector-General, with the rank and command of Major General, on the principle, that every officer of higher rank in the late army, who may be appointed, is to be above me. I am frank to own that this will not accord with my opinion of my own pretensions, and I have every reason to believe that it will fall far short of public opinion. Few have made so many sacrifices as myself. To few would

* July 16.

a change of situation for a military appointment be so injurious as to myself. If with this sacrifice, I am to be degraded below my just claim in public opinion, ought I to acquiesce ?"

Pickering immediately answered, stating the fact of the arrival of the Secretary of War, with the list in Washington's handwriting previously mentioned. "Your nomination," he says, "stands first as above-'A. Hamilton of New York, Inspector-General, with the rank of Major-General.' Pardon me for repudiating exceedingly the idea of your being made subordinate to Knox. Nobody ever thought of such a thing."

On the same day, Governor Jay wrote to the Secretary of State, fully confirming the views he had expressed to Washington. Having stated his gratification at the acceptance of the chief command by Washington, and his solicitude that the other appointments to the army should be adapted to the emergency, he added:

"I cannot conceal from you my solicitude, that the late Secretary of the Treasury may be brought forward in a manner corresponding with his talents and services. It appears to me, that his former military station and character, taken in connection with his late important place in the Administration, would justify measuring his rank by his merit and value. Pardon these hints; I know that these matters are not within my department, but they occupy my mind continually."

CHAPTER CXLIV

WHEN Washington's list of officers was received by the President, he prepared a message,* in which the names of Hamilton, Pinckney and Knox were placed in this order. Previous to preparing this message, he remarked, "that Colonel Hamilton (former rank considered,) was not entitled to stand so high, and that he did not know what were the merits which gave Pinckney preference to Knox. McHenry mentioned Washington's opinions, and to prevent misconception, showed the President his letter to Hamilton. It appeared to McHenry at the time that these objections were overcome. The next day, however, the President recurred to them, saying, that "he could not think of placing Hamilton before Knox," who, "for various reasons, (among others, his former rank in the army) was clearly entitled to rank next to Washington. He finally agreed to follow Washington's arrangement, on the Secretary's admitting that "any of the parties, if dissatisfied with the order of arrangement, might have their claims discussed and settled by a board of officers or the Commander-in-chief." The message was laid before the Senate, and the Generals were confirmed in the order

542.

Washington's Writings. McHenry to Washington, Sept. 19, 1798, xi.