sures, can alone alleviate the sufferings of so heartrending an afflic tion.

"There can be few who, equally with me, participate in the loss you deplore. In expressing this sentiment, I may, without impropriety, allude to the numerous and distinguished marks of confidence and friendship, of which you have yourself been a witness; but I cannot say, in how many ways the continuance of that confidence and friendship was necessary to me in future relations.

"Vain, however, are regrets. From a calamity which is common to a mourning nation, who can expect to be exempt? Perhaps it is even a privilege to have a claim to a larger portion of it than others.

"I will only add, Madam, that I shall esteem it a real and a great happiness, if any future occurrence shall enable me to give you proof of that respectful and cordial attachment with which I have the honor to be, your obliged and very obedient servant,”

Replying to Lear's* communication of his decease, he observed:

"NEW YORK, January 2, 1800.-The very painful event which (your letter) announces had, previous to the receipt of it, filled my heart with bitterness. Perhaps no man in this community has equal cause with myself to deplore the loss. I have been much indebted to the kindness of the General; and he was an Egis very essential to But regrets are unavailing. For great misfortunes, it is the business of reason to seek consolation.

me.

"The friends of General Washington have very noble ones.—If virtue can secure happiness in another world, he is happy. In this, the seal is now set upon his glory. It is no longer in jeopardy from the fickleness of fortune."

* Private Secretary of Washington.

CHAPTER CLII.

WHILE the American people were paying homage to the memory of Washington, the leaders of the opposition were rejoicing at his decease. On the morning of his funeral obsequies, one of the most devoted partisans of Jefferson declared, "I am glad he is dead. We could not pull him down."*

Washington, it has been seen, alarmed at the dangers with which the Constitution and civil liberty were menaced, felt it a duty, at last, actively to oppose the Democratic party. The influence he exerted had gone far towards changing the politics of Virginia. A more extended exertion of that influence, it cannot be doubted, would have undeceived the mass of the people, and defeated the hopes of his opponents. While Washington lived, Jefferson could not have been President.

This barrier to their ambition being removed, all that remained was to widen the breach among the Federalists which their successful intrigues with Adams had opened.

A letter from Hamilton of this period, gives a brief but interesting view of the aspect of affairs.†

"It is indeed a long time, my dear sir, since I have written to you, and I feel my obligation to you for the continuance of your correspond

* Macon to Hillhouse.

January 5, 1800.

ence, notwithstanding my delinquency. Had it been true that I had left every thing else to follow the drum, my delinquency would not have been so great. But our military establishment offers too little inducement, and is too precarious to have permitted a total dereliction of professional pursuits. The double occupation occasioned by these added military duties, and the attention which circumstances call me to pay to collateral objects, engage my time more than ever, and leave me less leisure to communicate with distant friends. If the projected cipher was established, I should now have much to say to you. But for this the arrangement is not yet mature. Soon, however, I hope to make it so, by forwarding to you the counterpart, which is in preparation. I must, however, give you some sketch of our affairs.

"At home, every thing is in the main well, except as to the perverseness and capriciousness of one, and the spirit of faction of many. Our measures from the first cause are too much the effect of momentary impulse. Vanity and jealousy exclude all counsel. Passion wrests the helm from reason. The irreparable loss of an inestimable man removes a control which was felt, and was very salutary.

"The leading friends of the government are in a sad dilemma. Shall they risk a serious schism by an attempt to change? or shall they annihilate themselves, and hazard their cause by continuing to uphold those who suspect or hate them, and who are likely to pursue a course, for no better reason than because it is contrary to that which they approve? The spirit of faction is abated nowhere. In Virginia, it is more violent than ever. It seems demonstrated, that the leaders there, who possess completely all the powers of the local government, are resolved to possess those of the National, by the most dangerous combinations; and, if they cannot effect this, to resort to the employment of physical force. The want of disposition in the people to second them, will be the only preventive. It is believed that it will be an effectual one. In the two houses of Congress we have a decided majority. But the dread of unpopularity is likely to paralyze it, and to prevent the erection of additional buttresses to the Constitution, a fabric which can hardly be stationary, and which will retrograde if it cannot be made to advance.

"In the mass of the people, the dispositions are not bad. An attachment to the system of peace continues. No project contrary to it could easily conciliate favor. Good will towards the Government, in my opinion, predominates; though a numerous party is still actuated

by an opposite sentiment, and some vague discontents have a more diffused influence. Sympathy with the French Revolution acts in a much narrower circle than formerly; but the jealousy of monarchy, which is as actual as ever, still furnishes a handle by which the factions mislead well meaning persons. In our councils, there is no fixed plan. Some are for preserving and invigorating the Navy and destroying the Army. Some among the friends of government for diminishing both, on pecuniary considerations.

"My plan is to complete the Navy to the contemplated extent; say six ships of the line, twelve frigates, and twenty-four sloops of war, to make no alteration for the present as to the military force; and, finally, to preserve the organs of the existing force, reducing the men to a very moderate number. For this plan, there are various reasons that appear to me solid. I much doubt, however, that it will finally prevail.

"The recent depredations of British cruisers, sanctioned in various instances by the Courts, have rekindled in many hearts an animosity which was fast being extinguished. Such persons think they see in this circumstance a new proof that friendship towards this country, on the part of Great Britain, will always be measured by the scale of her success. A very perplexing conflict of sensations is the result of this impression. I must hasten to a conclusion. It was unnecessary for me to have told you, that for the loss of our illustrious friend, every heart is in mourning. Adieu. God bless you.

Not the next in

"P. S.--Who is to be Commander-in-Chief? command. The appointment will probably be deferred."

Jefferson arrived at the seat of Government on the thirtieth of December, resolved to strike an early blow at the chief object of his fear and hate. After the interval of one day, Nicholas introduced a resolution for the repeal of the acts creating and organizing the Provisional army, of which Hamilton was now in command. The leading inducements to this reduction were stated to be, the necessity of economy, the want of resources on which to obtain the loans necessary for its support, and the unavoidable increase of taxes, the burthen of which would fall chiefly upon the poor. The inefficiency of the force

raised to repel an invasion was adduced, to show that its continuance, even in such an event, would not compensate for the expense; and it was avowed, that militia were the only safe and adequate reliance. The probability of an invasion was denied; and it was asserted, that the existence of the army could have no influence on the policy of France. The resolution was supported by Gallatin, Macon, Nicholson, and Randolph.

hos

Bayard, Harper, Lee, Marshall, and Otis opposed it. After a review of the conduct of France, which had compelled the administration to choose between measures of defence and of submission, it was asked whether any recent intelligence justified the abandonment of a system deliberately, though reluctantly adopted by the government, and sustained by the patriotism of the nation. The invasion of Egypt, when Turkey did not suspect any tile intentions from the tyrants of France, was a fact which imposed upon the United States the duty of preparation. The valor of the militia, under favorable circumstances, was not denied; but the importance of a regular force was urged, as a body, in co-operation with which, the undisciplined strength of the country could alone be hoped to act with vigor and constancy. The ground on

which the disbanding of the army was pressed, was the probability of a successful negotiation; and as it was enlisted to serve only during the existence of the difference with France, if a treaty should be concluded, the law raising it disbanded it. If not, war alone remained to them. Should France continue her aggressions, as a war on commerce was not a sufficient object, conquest alone could be intended. The result of the mission must soon be ascertained. Why, upon the contingency of its happy termination, incur such a risk to avoid the trifling expense of maintaining, for so short a period, the attitude in which they were?