Four days after his former letter to Burr, he wrote to Madison, informing him, that South Carolina had in some measure decided the contest; and his belief, that he and Burr had each seventy-three votes, Adams sixty-five, and Pinckney one less-that Rhode Island had withdrawn one vote from Pinckney-that Tennessee might do the same as to Burr, and that there might be one vote in Vermont for himself. But he observed, "I hold the latter impossible, and the former not probable, and-that there will he an absolute parity "between the two republican candidates;" that the Federalists openly declared they would prevent an election, and would name a President pro tem. He then recapitulated the seven States on whose votes he counted in the House of Representatives, adding, " and it is thought by some, that Bache of Maryland, and Linn of New Jersey will come over."

On the tenth of January Madison replied:

"On the supposition of either event, whether of an interregnum in the Executive or of a surreptitious intrigue into it, it becomes a question of the first order, what is the course demanded by the crisis. Will it be best to acquiesce in a suspension or usurpation of the Executive authority, till the meeting of Congress in December next; or for Congress to be summoned by a joint proclamation or recommendation of the two characters, having a majority of votes for President? My present judgment favors the latter expedient. The prerogative of convening the legislature must reside in one or other of them; and if both concur, must substantially include the requisite will. The intentions of the people would undoubtedly be pursued. And if, in reference to the Constitution, the proceeding be not strictly regular, the ir

matic one was to be made, he came post to Philadelphia, to show himself; and, in fact, that he was always at market if they wanted him ;-with these impressions there had never been an intimacy between us, and but little association. When I destined him for a high appointment, it was out of respect for the favor he had obtained with the Republican party, by his extraordinary exertions and success in the New York election in 1800."

* Dec. 19.

regularity will be less in form, than any other adequate to the emergency, and will be in form only, rather than in substance. Whereas the other remedies proposed are substantial violations of the will of the people, of the scope of the Constitution, and of the public order and interest."

Such was Madison! nanced by Jefferson.*

This suggestion was counte

The excitement of Virginia is seen in other counsels. A judge of much notoriety, wrote the Governor, three days before, recommending the legislature to remain in session, until the event of the Presidential election be known; inquiring whether it will not be prudent to provide for an additional number of arms; and to amend the laws (if necessary) for organizing and training the militia; and wise to publish an address to the people, suggesting the propriety of instructing their representatives, as to the expediency of calling a Convention of the State, or requiring Congress to assemble a Convention of the United States. The same person suggested soon after, instead of a President, that a deputy be elected from each State, to compose a federal executive council. †

Another proposes the removal of the arms and the military stores of the State to Harper's Ferry, and placing over them a guard of militia, avowing his apprehension, that:

"Hamilton will perhaps be bold enough to procure himself to be declared President, and endeavor by means of English aid and the disaffected to State sovereignty, to maintain the usurpation. * He declares Congress ought to obey the will of the people, and gains favor with the people, while perhaps he maintains he has the power to make a President if one cannot be regularly made by the constitn.

* Jefferson's Works, iv. 355, ed. 1854.

↑ St. George Tucker to Monroe, January 7 and February 25, 1801.

tional day, and intrigues to be chosen himself.

A desperado in the

chair and English force is their only hope now, I believe. But perhaps they are too completely discomfited to try it.”*

1801.

Thomas Mann Randolph, son-in-law of Jefferson, to Monroe, February 14,

VOL. VII.-28

CHAPTER CLVI.

From these scenes it is a relief to turn away, and follow Hamilton in his elevated course, at this momentous crisis of his country. His correspondence proves, that HE DECIDED the question of the Presidency; and that his decision was made under circumstances and from motives, which show, that he was solely governed by the highest and largest considerations of the public welfare. It furnishes one of the proudest triumphs of his char

acter.

*

As soon as he received the letter of General Gunn, he wrote to Wolcott, thus hoping to give a direction to the course to be pursued by the Federal members of Congress.

"It is now, my dear sir, ascertained, that Jefferson or Burr will be President, and it seems probable they will come with equal votes to the House of Representatives. It is also circulated here, that, in this event, the Federalists in Congress, or some of them, talk of preferring Burr. I trust New England, at least, will not so far lose its head as to fall into this snare. There is no doubt, but that, upon every virtuous and prudent calculation, Jefferson is to be preferred. He is by far not so dangerous a man; and he has pretensions to character.

"As to Burr, there is nothing in his favor. His private character is not defended by his most partial friends. He is bankrupt beyond redemption, except by the plunder of his country. His public princi

* Dec. 16, 1800.

ples have no other spring or aim than his own aggrandizement, per fas aut nefas. If he can, he will certainly disturb our institutions, to secure himself permanent power, and with it wealth. He is truly the Catiline of America. But early measures must be taken to fix on this point the opinions of the Federalists. Among them, from different motives, Burr will find partisans. If the thing be neglected, he may possibly go far."

The day after, he again addressed Wolcott:

"There is no circumstance which has occurred in the course of our political affairs, that has given me so much pain as the idea that Mr. Burr might be elevated to the Presidency, by the means of the Federalists. I am of opinion, that this party has hitherto solid claims of merit with the public, and so long as it does nothing to forfeit its title to confidence, I shall continue to hope that our misfortunes are temporary, and that the party will ere long emerge from its depression. But if it shall act a foolish or unworthy part in any capital instance, I shall then despair.

If it

"Such without doubt will be the part it will act, if it shall seriously attempt to support Mr. Burr, in opposition to Mr. Jefferson. fails, as after all is not improbable, it will have riveted the animosity of that person, will have destroyed or weakened the motives to moderation which he must at present feel, and it will expose them to the disgrace of a defeat in an attempt to elevate to the first place in the Government, one of the worst men in the community. If it succeeds, it will have done nothing more nor less than place in that station a man who will possess the boldness and daring necessary to give success to the Jacobin system, instead of one, who for want of that quality, will be less fitted to promote it.

"Let it not be imagined, that Mr. Burr can be won to the Federal views.* It is a vain hope. Stronger ties, and stronger inducements than they can offer, will impel him in a different direction. His ambition will not be content with those objects which virtuous men of either party, will allot to it; and his situation and his habits will oblige him to have recourse to corrupt expedients, from which he will be restrained by no

* Ames wrote: "I doubt whether Burr will be Federal, if chosen by Feds; and he would reconcile himself to his old friends as soon as he can," Ames, i. 291.