CHAPTER CLXII.

ERE the last of Paine's letters had dried from the press, the second Session of the Seventh Congress commenced, and Jefferson showed himself for a time, a changed man. Nothing could exceed the inflation immediately following his elevation to the Presidency. No theme was then beyond his reach-no abstract suffering beneath his sympathies. He was for "simplifying the Christian Philosophy." He would "have no priests, and therefore no schisms." Religion was thenceforth to be a thing of science-History an affair of fancy and of faith.* He was unwilling "to pronounce on the hypothesis of a transmigration of souls," it was not a subject of "physical knowledge,” and “Rev

* Jefferson's Works, iv. 438, ed. 1854. Jefferson to Joel Barlow, author of "The Columbiad," a wordy poem. "Mr. Madison and myself have cut out a piece of work for you, which is, to write the history of the United States from the close of the War downwards. We are rich ourselves in materials, and can open all the public archives to you; but your residence here is essential, because a great deal of the knowledge of things is not on paper, but only within ourselves for verbal communication. John Marshall is writing the Life of General Washington from his papers. It is intended to come out just in time to influence the next Presidential election. It is written, therefore, principally with a view to electioneering purposes. But it will consequently be out in time to aid you with information, as well as to point out the perversions of truth necessary to be rectified. Think of this and agree to it." Barlow did not agree" to it.

elation had chosen to leave it in the dark." To discharge the gospels of the mystery with which the apostles had "enshrouded" them, he framed a travestie of them for himself. New England, which had resolutely refused him her vote, cherished a large body of clergy. "The Ægis of government, and the temples of religion and of justice," he wrote, "have all been prostituted there to toll us back to the times when we burnt witches." "The barbarians really flattered themselves they should be able to bring back the times of Vandalism, when ignorance put every thing into the hands of power and priestcraft."* Oscillating between light and shade, between pathos and rapture, his delectation was to descant on exhumated bones and revivified liberties; and he beheld, as he stated, "with great grief, venerable patriots, retired and weeping in silence, over the rapid subversion of those principles, for the attachment of which they had sacrificed the ease and comforts of life, and rejoiced they had lived to see him revindicate their rights."

But now was seen, by Jefferson's deportment, how deeply his vanity had been pierced. He drooped under the recent exposures by Callender, which had impeached, not only his political character, but his private integrity, for he stood before the world a convicted calumniator-a pensioner of libels. His air was more quiet; and the subdued tone of his message, when contrasted with that which preceded it, bespoke the humiliations he had undergone. In this State paper, the insidious contrast between his policy and that of his predecessors, which, with an entire disregard of official dignity, had marked his previous message, was repeated, though not three weeks had elapsed, since he made again this acknowledgment of the merits

* Jefferson's Works, iv. 373, 375, 390.

of their policy, yet accompanied with vituperations. "The path we have to pursue is so quiet, that we have nothing scarcely to propose to our legislature. * * * If we can prevent the Government from wasting the labors of the people, under the pretence of taking care of them, they must become happy. Their finances are now under such a course of application as nothing can derange, but war or federalism. The gripe of the latter has shown itself as deadly as the jaws of the former."* But no more appeals to State prejudices were heard. These had been the ladders of his ambition. Now, ascended to the coveted height, he viewed and treated the General Government as his own estate. Instead of these appeals, he would seem to have felt Hamilton's rebuke, and to have adopted, with all the zeal of a pupil of that school, the leading maxims of the Federal policy. "To cultivate peace and maintain commerce and navigation in all their lawful enterprises, to foster our fisheries as nurseries of navigation, and for the nurture of man; and protect the manufactures adapted to our circumstances; to preserve the faith of the Nation by an exact discharge of its debts and contracts; expend the public money with the same care and economy we would practice with our own, and impose on our citizens no unnecessary burthens; to keep, in all things, within the pale of our Constitutional powers, and cherish the Federal Union, as the only rock of safety," -"these, fellow-citizens," he said, "are the landmarks by which we are to guide ourselves in all our proceedings. By continuing to make these our rule of action, we shall endear to our countrymen the true principles of their Constitution, and promote a union of sentiment and of action equally auspicious to their happiness and safety."

* Jefferson's Works, iv. 453, ed. 1854.

Having expressed his desire, to "produce a fair and adequate reciprocity" of trade, he adverted briefly to the recent cession of Louisiana by Spain to France, as a measure, which, "if carried into effect, will make a change in the aspect of our foreign relations." The warfare with Tripoli was alluded to; a recent convention with Georgia mentioned; and information given of an increase of territory by purchase from the Indians on the Wabash. The fiscal condition of the country was more dwelt upon. The increase of the revenue, not only in amount but in ratio, he observed, had enabled a payment from the Treasury of "upwards of Eight Millions of Dollars, principal and interest of Debt, exclusive of one million paid by the sale of Bank Stock," leaving in hand a sum of "four and a half millions" further to be applied. "When," he added, "effects so salutary result from the plans you have already sanctioned, when merely, by avoiding false objects of expense, we are able, without a direct tax, without internal taxes, and without borrowing, to make large and effectual payments towards the discharge of our public debt, and the emancipation of our posterity from that mortal canker, it is an encouragement, fellow-citizens, of the highest order, to proceed as we have begun in substituting economy for taxation, and in pursuing what is useful for a nation placed as we are, rather than what is practiced by others under different circumstances."*

* John Adams to Jefferson, July, 1813, Quincy. "Your character in history may easily be foreseen. Your administration will be quoted by Philosophers as a model of profound wisdom-by Politicians, as weak, superficial, and short-sighted Mine, like Pope's woman, will have no character at all. The impious idolatry to Washington destroyed all character. His legacy of ministers was not the worst part of the tragedy. Though. by his own express confession to me, and by Pickering's confession to the world, in his letters to Sullivan, two of them, at least, were foisted upon him by necessity, because

The only objects of new expenditure indicated, were, "the procuring some smaller vessels for the Mediterranean service, and the building of Dry Docks at Washington for the preservation of the Navy,"* to be raised by "running water."

Among the criticisms of the opposition, on this Message, the attempt to cajole and flatter the people was much censured.† With what truth, they inquired, are we told of "peace and friendship abroad," when Spain, by an infraction of the treaty, has occluded the commerce of the Mississippi, that great Artery of the West? What evidence is it of "friendship abroad," that another powerful nation has, without consulting us in any shape, bargained for an important tract of our Continent, immediately to colonize it? a measure so important as to threaten "a change in the aspect of our foreign relations." Why declare to the people, that their prosperity resulted from their "managing their own affairs in their own way, and for their own use, unembarrassed by too much regulation, unoppressed by fiscal exactions"? Has any change in this respect been introduced? Have not their skill and industry always been free? Has the incidental protection, arising from the duties imposed on commerce and navigation, been withdrawn? Why are the recent pro

he could get no other. The truth is, Hamilton's influence over him was so well known, that no man fit for the office of State or War, would accept either. He was driven to the necessity of appointing such as would accept. And this necessity was, in my opinion, the real cause of his retirement from office; for you may depend upon it, that retirement was not voluntary."

* "Frigates and Seventy-fours," Jefferson writes in 1815, "are a sacrifice we must make, heavy as it is, to the prejudices of a part of our citizens."

John Adams publicly charged, "There is little cause of apprehension for the principles of our glorious ancestors,” (maintained against Laud and the Court of Charles the First,) "from the feeble efforts of libertines who are conspiring and intriguing against them."