MILL

JOHN

JOHN STUART MILL, an eminent English philosopher, political economist, and statesman, was born in London, May 20, 1806. His father, James Mill, the philosopher and historian, gave him a strenuous training; at three he began Greek, and before he was fourteen he had read widely in Greek, Latin, and English, and made considerable progress in mathematics and philosophy. In 1820 he visited France, where he took a keen interest in French politics and social conditions. On his return, after working diligently at history and law, he obtained an appointment in the India Office under his father, who was assistant examiner with charge of the revenue department, and afterwards, in 1832, in control of all the departments of Indian administration. The same year (1823) he joined a small society which met at the house of Jeremy Bentham and adopted the name Utilitarian. Before he was twenty he was the acknowledged leader of the Utilitarians and a frequent contributor to the "Westminster Review." In 1826 he had begun to change his views in regard to human happiness and the importance of external circumstances in training the mind. This reaction from his inherited creed was largely modified by his acquaintance with Mrs. John Taylor, whom he married, after a long friendship, in 1851. In 1843 he published his " System of Logic," which in its treatment of inductive science has never been superseded. He published his " 'Principles of Political Economy" in 1848; in this valuable treatise, while mainly following Ricardo's abstract theory, he clearly recognized its hypothetical character and discussed the application of economic conditions to social questions. He retired from the India Office in 1858, the head of his department. In 1865 he was elected member of Parliament for Westminster, and during the four years that he sat he voted with the advanced Radical party and advocated female suffrage. He died at Avignon May 8, 1873. Among his other publications may be mentioned his essay on 'Liberty" (1859); "Examination of Sir William Hamilton's Philosophy" (1865); "Comte and Positivism (1865); "England and Ireland" (1868); "The Subjection of Women." His 'Autobiography" was published the year of his death; the following year "Three Essays on Religion." His occasional writings were collected in four volumes, and a new volume of essays was published in 1897.

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MR.

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TRIBUTE TO GARRISON

R. CHAIRMAN, LADIES, AND GENTLEMEN,The speakers who have preceded me have, with an eloquence far beyond anything which I can command, laid before our honored guest the homage of admiration and gratitude which we all feel due to his heroic life. Instead

of idly expatiating upon things which have been far better said than I could say them, I would rather endeavor to recall one or two lessons applicable to ourselves, which may be drawn from his career. A noble work nobly done always contains in itself not one but many lessons; and in the case of him whose character and deeds we are here to commemorate two may be singled out specially deserving to be laid to heart by all who would wish to leave the world better than they found it.

The first lesson is,-Aim at something great; aim at things which are difficult; and there is no great thing which is not difficult. Do not pare down your undertaking to what you can hope to see successful in the next few years, or in the years of your own life. Fear not the reproach of Quixotism or of fanaticism; but after you have well weighed what you undertake, if you see your way clearly, and are convinced that you are right, go forward, even though you, like Mr. Garrison, do it at the risk of being torn to pieces by the very men through whose changed hearts your purpose will one day be accomplished. Fight on with all your strength against whatever odds and with however small a band of supporters. If you are right, the time will come when that small band will swell into a multitude; you will at least lay the foundations of something memorable, and you may, like Mr. Garrisonthough you ought not to need or expect so great a reward— be spared to see that work completed which, when you began it, you only hoped it might be given to you to help forward a few stages on its way.

The other lesson which it appears to me important to nforce, amongst the many that may be drawn from our friend's life, is this: if you aim at something noble and succeed in it, you will generally find that you have succeeded

not in that alone. A hundred other good and noble things which you never dreamed of will have been accomplished by the way, and the more certainly, the sharper and more agonizing has been the struggle which preceded the victory. The heart and mind of a nation are never stirred from their foundations without manifold good fruits. In the case of the great American contest these fruits have been already great, and are daily becoming greater. The prejudices which beset every form of society—and of which there was a plentiful crop in America-are rapidly melting away. The chains of prescription have been broken; it is not only the slave who has been freed-the mind of America has been emancipated The whole intellect of the country has been set thinking about the fundamental questions of society and government; and the new problems which have to be solved and the new difficulties which have to be encountered are calling forth new activity of thought, and that great nation is saved, probably for a long time to come, from the most formidable danger of a completely settled state of society and opinion-intellectual and moral stagnation. This, then, is an additional item of the debt which America and mankind owe to Mr. Garrison and his noble associates; and it is well calculated to deepen our sense of the truth which his whole career most strikingly illustrates-that though our best directed efforts may often seem wasted and lost, nothing coming of them that can be pointed to and distinctly identified as a definite gain to humanity, though this may happen ninety-nine times in every hundred, the hundredth time the result may be so great and dazzling that we had never dared to hope for it, and should have regarded him who had predicted it to us as sanguine beyond the bounds of mental sanity. So has it been with Mr. Garrison.

GARIBALDI

G'

IUSEPPE MARIA GARIBALDI, a famous Italian soldier and patriot, was born at Nice, July 4, 1807. He was a sailor in the earlier part of his career, but for taking part in the Young Italy movement in 1833-34 was exiled. For a time he served in the French navy, and then going to South America in 1836 he offered his services to the struggling republic of Rio Grande. He fought in many battles in her cause, and because of conspicuous bravery displayed by him at the battle of San Antonio in 1846 received the title of "The Hero of Montevideo." In 1848 he returned to Italy and fought in the defence of Rome against French intervention in 1849. After the fall of Rome he, with many of his followers, sought refuge in San Marino, but being surrounded by the Austrian troops he was compelled to disband his forces. Escaping thence to Chiaviri in Liguria he was offered the choice of exile or captivity by the Sardinian government, and thereupon sailing to Tunis he was prevented from landing through French influence. After some little interval he went to New York, but returned to Italy in 1854 and purchased a part of the small island of Caprera near the Sardinian coast. Here he lived till 1859, when he made himself prominent in the Lombard campaign, and after the peace of Villa Franca he formed the design of liberating Rome. In this matter he was prevented by the Sardinian government; but in his expedition in 1860 against Sicily he was aided as far as possible by Cavour. After the battle of Reggio and the flight of King Francis to Gaeta, Garibaldi was proclaimed at Naples the dictator of the Two Sicilies. In 1862, 1866, and 1867 he engaged in other expeditions for the liberation of Italy, and in the year last named wx for some time a prisoner in the fortress of Varignano. With his sons he went in 1870 to the aid of the French Republic against the Germans. In 1875 he became a member of the Italian Parliament, but his legislative career was not a particularly wise one. His later years were spent almost entirely at Caprera. He died June 1, 1882.

LAST SPEECH AS A MEMBER OF THE CHAMBER

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DELIVERED IN PARLIAMENT, APRIL 12, 1860

ENTLEMEN,-The fifth article of the constitution says: Such treaties as involve any variation in the territory of the State shall have no effect until after the assent of the Chambers shall have been obtained. The consequence of this article of the fundamental law is that any

attempt to put into execution a diminution of the state, before such diminution shall have had the sanction of Parliament, is contrary to the constitution. That one section of the state should vote for a separation before the Chambers should have decided that such a separation ought to take place, before they should have decided whether or how there should be any voting at all for the bare principle of putting into execution that very separation-is an unconstitutional act.

This, gentlemen, is the question of Nice, as regarded from a constitutional point of view, and which I submit to the sagacious judgment of Parliament. Now I will speak a few words upon the question of my country considered politically.

The people of Nice after the submission of 1388 to the house of Savoy, established on the 19th of November, 1391, that the Count of Savoy could never alienate the city in favor of any other prince whatsoever, and that if he should do so the inhabitants should have the right to resist vi et armis and to choose for themselves another sovereign according to their own pleasure, without rendering themselves guilty of rebellion. Therefore in the year 1388 Nice united herself to the dynasty of Savoy upon condition of not being alienated to any foreign power. Now the government, by its treaty of March 24th, has ceded Nice to Napoleon. Such a concession is contrary to the rights of nations. It will be said that Nice has been exchanged for two more important provinces. Nevertheless every traffic in people is repugnant to the universal sense of civilized nations and ought to be abolished, because it establishes a dangerous precedent, which might easily diminish that faith that a country has a just right to place in its own future.

The government justifies its proceeding by the popular vote