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PEERS PEOPLE

THE COALITION CABINET

THEIR POLICY IS TOEnlarge our Liberties

Promote industrial Prosperity

Protect the Workers

Secure the Just Rewards of Labour

Oppose Monopoly & Privilege

THE INDEPENDENT LABOUR PARTY

VIEW OF THE

Political Situation.

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TH

THE HOME POLICY OF THE NEW MINISTRY.

'HE general election which came upon us too suddenly, passed too rapidly to enable any concerted action to be taken by any but the party organisations. It is true, no doubt, that various manifestoes were emitted by many Societies and Associations, but they counted for little in the strife. The battle was fought out for the most part on the great political issues, and the noncontentious questions which are always neglected at such times were hardly heard of. Those few persons who did venture to call attention to questions lying outside the fighting area felt themselves something like the Derby dog at Epsom, so that there is very little to report as to the direct heckling of candidates. Several of our helpers, in response to a direct appeal, interrogated candidates as to their willingness to support a motion for placing a veto, by combined international consent, on any further expenditure on armaments. But with that exception very little was done. Mrs. Wolstenholme Elmy reports on the question of women's suffrage that the new House of Commons contains a majority of members pledged to the enfranchisement of her sex; but even if this be so, it is difficult to see how such a measure could be carried in the face of the fact that Mr. Chamberlain and Sir Henry James, to say nothing of other notable Ministers, are strongly opposed to any such reform.

In the midst of the babel of voices that are raised on every side discussing what Lord Salisbury should do or should not do, there is one suggestion that I venture to hope, with some confidence, may commend itself to the Prime Minister and his colleagues. That is, that for a year or two, at any rate, Her Majesty's Ministers should adopt as their rule in relation to all social legislation, the principle on which the National Social Union is founded. For years past Committees have 'been sitting and Commissions reporting upon various improvements which should be effected in the law or in its administration, and the pigeon-holes of the departments are cumbered with resolutions and recommendations which have been drawn up as the result of careful examination and prolonged consideration of evils from which the body politic has long been suffering. Now why can Her Majesty's Ministers not lay down as their principle for social legislation for the next two years, that they will refuse resolutely to embark upon any contentious matters, and concentrate all their energies upon giving effect to those recommendations which command the unanimous approval of all competent authorities? Nothing would be more in accord with the general mood of the nation than the adoption of such a policy. If all contentious matter were adjourned for two years, and we had two sessions for carrying Bills, as to the need of which every one is agreed, Ministers would do more for the social welfare of the people than they could effect by half-adozen sessions devoted to party wrangling. If Lord Salisbury were to appoint a small Committee of the Cabinet to prepare a précis of all the recommendations made by Royal Commissions, Select Committees, Departmental Committees, say, in the last ten years, together with the Bills introduced by the various departments which have not been passed into law, he would be able to confront the November Cabinet with a programme, vast, varied, and comprehensive, to which no one could take

any exception, but which could hardly fail to benefit materially every department of our national life.

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In another field also the new national government might well take a hint from the general principle defined in the draft programme of the National Social Union. The new Home Secretary, on entering into his duties at the Home Office, found himself confronted by the criminal statistics issued by his predecessor. These statistics illustrated by maps, afford what may be described as a criminal diagnosis of the condition of the country. Certain districts in these maps are coloured black, which illustrates the excessive vice or crime in that locality. Now why should not Sir Matthew. White Ridley, with these maps before him, summon representative conference of all those responsible for the good government of these lapsed regions, and endeavour to focus the best public opinion of the district on the subject? Take, for instance, Sir William Harcourt's new constituency and the régions thereabout, which from the criminal point of view, occupy the worst position in these islands. Why should not the Home Secretary hold a high inquest, say, at Ebbw Vale, Dowlais, or Cardiff, summoning before him the Chief Constable, Magistrates, Ministers of all denominations, Employers of Labour, leading Trades Unionists and Landlords. Then he could represent to them the unenviable position in which their district stands before the country, ask them to explain the cause of this and urge them to wipe off this reproach from the land. What might be done in South Wales with regard to crime might be done in the northern counties with regard to drunkenness. The dominant idea should always be that Her Majesty's Government is responsible for seeing that the whole of Her Majesty's dominions are brought up to as high a level as possible, and that when any particular district distinctly lapses below the average level, it is the duty of Her Majesty's Government to concentrate all the moral forces of the nation and of the district in raising that sunken district to the average level. This policy would be original, it would be simple, and it would be practicable. Why should it not be adopted?

THE GOVERNMENT AND THE UNEMPLOYED.
MEMORIAL FROM SOCIAL SETTLEMENTS.

TRADE is said to be reviving, and the season is as far as possible removed from the severe weather which worked such havoc last winter. But even now many of the London workhouses are full, and anxious guardians are negotiating with country unions for accommodation for their overflow of inmates. And the prospect for next winter already fills the minds of the more thoughtful with serious foreboding. In view of these facts, it is interesting to learn that the Heals of Settlements in the east and south of London have memorialised the Prime Minister on the subject of the unemployed. It will be remembered that the Marquis of Salisbury, speaking at Bradford on May 22, put this question first in the list of social problems which he offered as a substitute for the Liberal programme, with its insistence on Home Rule and Disestablishment first. His words were:

Are there no things which in these days we wish Parliament to consider? It seems to me that we have come upon a time when there are more difficult problems facing those who have to guide the counsels of the people than have happened

for many a generation. You know how the difficulty of the Unemployed is rising in the south. There are vast masses of men who have no evil will, against whom no harm can be stated, who have only this one wish, this one demandthat the labour which they are prepared to give should be accepted, and bare sustenance given them in place of it, and to whom it has been necessary from sheer want of employment to give in return a disappointing answer. We pass those things over, we express them in brief language; as the information flies rapidly under our eyes we do not take notice of what misery, what despair to men, what utter despair to women and children, what physical suffering is involved in those frightful facts. I feel that as long as the problem of the Unemployed presents to us the features shown to us during the last winter, we cannot say that our conscience as statesmen and politicians 'is discharged if we do not vote for an attempt, at all events, to solve them with the utmost energy in our power.

This emphatic utterance has been rendered doubly significant by the subsequent accession of the Marquis to place and power with an unexampled majority behind him in both Houses of Parliament. The memorial which it suggested and which was mooted, though not signed before the General Election, runs as follows:

To the Most Honourable the Marquis of Salisbury. Will your lordship kindly permit us as persons engaged in social service of the poor of London to express the pleasure with which we observed your lordship's utterances at Bradford on May 22nd, which placed foremost among the questions to be dealt with by Parliament the problem of the unemployed?

We hail with delight the expression of your lordship's conviction that it is a problem which forms a heavy charge upon the conscience of politicians and statesmen, and which demands for its solution their utmost endeavours.

Now that your lordship has been called to the position of Her Majesty's chief adviser, we welcome with sincere joy the prospect of legislative effect being given to those words.

Though belonging to different parties of the State, we beg unitedly to convey to your lordship our earnest hope and desire that no exigency of party conflict or ordinary governmental routine will prevent your lordship giving prominence to this problem in the action of your Government on the earliest possible occasion.

(Signed)

SAMUEL A. BARNETT, Toynbee Hall, Whitechapel,
A. F. N. INGRAM, Oxford House, Bethnal Green.
PERCY ALDEN, Mansfield House, Canning Town.
J. SCOTT LIDGETT, Bermondsey University Settlement.
F. HERBERT STEAD, Robert Browning Hall, Walworth.

A PENNY FELLOWSHIP SOCIETY. AMONG other good works which our Helper in Newcastle has started, is the Penny Fellowship Society. The object of this Society, which was formed in 1893, is to provide a holiday for indigent gentlewomen, either at the seaside or in the country. The constitution of the Society is very simple. It consists of a number of friends who agree to pay a penny a week in order to send two or three gentlewomen every year to the seaside. Besides this subscription the members meet every week for a social evening, when the money is collected and any business of the Society transacted. Last year, by this means, they raised a sum of about ten pounds, and were able to board and lodge three gentlewomen for a fortnight, two for a week, and sent fifteen more to lodgings simply. The membership a year ago was only twenty-three, but has since grown to forty-three. This is an excellent example which deserves to be much more widely known. It is a good object-lesson as to what branches of the National Social Union could do in this direction, and it is to be hoped that some of them may follow the example of Newcastle. There is no reason why these Penny Fellowship Societies should not be

formed amongst groups of friends in all our large towns, and it is an idea which the Country Holidays for Children Association might do well to adopt. Any one who wishes for further information on the subject should write to our Helper, Miss Wilson, 10, Ravensworth Terrace, Newcastle-on-Tyne.

HOLIDAY ENCAMPMENTS.

EVERY August witnesses a renewed and strengthened reversion to the nomadic habits of our ancestors; and the custom of camping out seems to be extending to all classes. Black and White tells how boys of the middleclass at a school near London are taught to take their holidays in camp:

It is provided in the rules that the first year of every boy shall be spent entirely under the masters' charge. During the holidays, therefore, masters and pupils go into camp by the sea for five or six weeks. The boys set out with a couple of waggons loaded with tents, baggage and provisions; and travel by road to their destination, often eighty or a hundred miles away. The journey occupies about three days, meals are prepared en route, and a halt is made in the evening at some convenient spot, where tents are pitched. In the early morning the tents are struck, horses are harnessed, and after breakfast in the open, the march is resumed. Lad rejoicing in bicycles form an advance party, which proceeds in search of suitable camping-ground and the like. The encampment itself is invariably close to the shore, and care is taken to secure dry soil and good water. It goes without saying that servants are not allowed in camp, and that the youngsters erect tents, cook, attend to the boats and generally supply all their own wants. Daily routine, which is by no means dull. is steadily maintained, and work is shared equally. Bugle calls proclaim the "Rouse" in the morning, the various meal hours, and "Lights Out" at night. During the day there are many recreations: rowing, sailing and swimming prove thechief attractions, but cricket, football, tennis and fishing are also popular. It is altogether a never-to-be-forgotten month to the lads . . . The camp this year is to be situated on a desirable spot not far from Dover... Any who care to possess details as to the experiment may obtain information at the Glebelands, Mitcham, Surrey.

A camp for working men and working women is an experiment which has been undertaken this month by the Robert Browning Hall Social Settlement, Walworth. The place of encampment is the Court Farm, Whyteleafe, near Warlingham, a beautiful rural eminence, in one of the most charming parts of Surrey. Sleeping quarters are provided for the men in a large barn, while the women are accommodated in a more convenient room in another part of the farm. The bedding in both cases is of a very simple but comfortable kind. All meals are in common. The charges, inclusive of railway fare, board and lodging are of the lowest for two days and nights, 4s. 6d.; for seven days, 11s.; for the ten days during which the camp is running (August 2nd to 12th), 13s. The scheme is a development of the idea already carried out for many years with marked success by the Glasgow Foundry Boys' Society in their encampments for young men and young women on the west coast of Scotland.

Rev. Alec. S. Campbell, M.A., Congregational minister of Morecambe, is busy with the formation of a standing camp at a spot close to the coast for the use of the poor working people in the large towns of Lancashire and the West Riding. He has appealed for help in defraying the initial expenses to the philanthropic public of these counties. It is sincerely to be hoped that his appeal will be promptly and generously responded to.

The movement for planting these rural and seaside camps is as yet in its infancy. In time we may hope to see them vastly increased in number and cheapened in cost.

A LIST OF INFANTS WANTED AND OFFERED.

(A) "Do you think you would be able to help me to find a very pretty fair-haired baby girl, about ten months to one and a-half years old, that I could adopt and bring up as my own? I have a lovely house and grounds, and dearly love children, but I have none of my own. I should require a baby healthy and pretty, and the mother, if possible, of gentle birth. The child would be loved and petted, and have a beautiful home with me. Do you know of any one who could help me to such a

child?"

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I am anxious to find a good home for my little one, where she would be well cared for and brought up as a child of the family. My husband is abroad, and I am journeying shortly, so I consider the best thing I could do is to have my baby adopted, as I cannot take her abroad. He is a dear mite of

five months old. We are of good birth. (C) From the Isle of Wight I received an application as follows:

As we have no children, we would like to adopt a baby from birth or only a few weeks old. We could give it a comfortable home, and bring it up in every way as our own.

(D) A tradesman in a village in the West Riding writes:

We have been married for seven years, and have had no children. We should like to adopt a female child, healthy, and of good parentage, about two years of age, or under, preferably of rather a light complexion. We are not wealthy at all, only common country tradespeople in a small way, and would do our best to make the child comfortable and happy. (E) A lady writes from Kensington:--

Can you do anything with a baby of a servant I have? The child is three months old, a fine healthy, fair child; the mother is very fond of it, and has it out at nurse, but for the welfare of the child, I have persuaded her to have it adopted.

(F) A lady in Worcestershire, who has just turned fifty, says that she absolutely longs for a dear little babyface and voice among her flock. She prefers one over a year old, but is quite willing to take one younger. Her husband and friends always tell her that she is crazy about babies, but she is sure that she could love and tend one as well as when she was a young woman, but as circumstances render it impossible for her to take it free of all charge, if payment could be given, she could promise it a good home and true motherly love.

(G) A man and his wife in Derby write to me saying that they have five boys, the eldest fifteen, the youngest five, but no girl. They want a baby girl, but they cannot afford to take her without payment of some reasonable sum for her maintenance, as the father only earns twentyeight shillings per week. "We wish to adopt a girl of our own, without any future claim upon it whatever, and to receive a reasonable sum for the same." In reply to this letter, I stated that I did not wish to convert Baby Exchanging into Baby Farming.

(H) A Rector in Gloucester writes to know if I could get any one to take a baby boy, whose mother died when he was a month old, and whose father is in very uncertain work. The guardians will do nothing unless he will go into the house, and this he is unwilling to do, so the baby remains on his hands until some one will adopt it.

But, of course, as the man is a poor labourer there is no money forthcoming for the settlement of his orphan.

(I) Another correspondent in Kensington writes, offering an illegitimate baby of two weeks old, whose father is a soldier, and whose mother is a servant, who is obliged to go to service. "Allow me to tell you," says my correspondent, "that it is a lovely child, perfect in health and form."

(J) A lady writes me from Huddersfield saying, “I know of a dear little girl, dark and good-looking, born on the 14th. The mother thought she was legally married in a Registry Office; the husband has not been heard of for months, and is not likely to be heard of. The mother will give up all claim to the infant, as she will have to support herself by going into service."

These are some of the letters that I have received, from which it is evident that the Baby Exchange will demand very careful handling. The worst of it is the babies do not fit. I do see exactly how any of those offering exactly meet the requirements of those who are willing to take them. I am willing, however, to let the offers remain over until another month. I have marked the letters in alphabetical order, so that they can be referred to by letter, and correspondents brought into communication with each other. All those who wish to communicate with me in regard to babies should state(1) sex, (2) age, (3) the reason why it has to be disposed of. One curious result of the proposed Baby Exchange is that readers and subscribers appear to imagine that they have only to write to me to get anything they want. A lady, for instance, in Worcester writes me to say that she would like to have a little girl of gentle manners and good birth, from seven to nine years of age, whose parents would pay twenty guineas a year for boarding, educating, and clothing her. This, however, was but a small thing compared with the request that was made by a bachelor, that I should find him a wife. He called at the office, and was in deadly earnest about it. He told me that some time ago he met a lady, but that he could not have anything to do with her, even if she had a million of money, but at the same time, though he wants "lass with a tocher." I told him a wife, he must have a he had better submit his proposal in writing. Whereupon in due course I received the following notification of his requirements in the matrimonial market:

CONFIDENTIAL.

A bachelor between 40 and 50 years of age, of good appearance and address, well educated, desires to meet with a rich and agreeable lady, also of good appearance, and about 30 years of age, who might be willing to marry and help him to buy a good junior partnership, where his sound business habits, long experience and industry, might prove useful and remunerative. He to settle what he has, say, shares, present value (and likely to continue and increase) capitalised at 5 per cent. £2,500, with Life Insurance £500, and about £500 invested; in all, say £3,500. Whatever sum over this might be required to be secured by further Life Insurance.

No doubt a matrimonial bureau is one of the great needs of civilisation, but I should like to see the Baby Exchange a little more successful before venturing upon providing brides for would-be bridegrooms and bridegrooms for would-be brides. At the same time should any lady aspire to become the wife of this bachelor, I shall be glad to forward any letters that may be sent me.

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COPIES

Mrs. Browning was the first of woman poets to be included in the series, and our selection is confined to such poems as are out of copyright. The first living poet to appear in this series has been Mr. William Morris, who has been extremely kind in permitting me to use very copious extracts from his great poem, the "Earthly Paradise," which by this means I hope will be introduced to many who have hitherto never had an opportunity of enjoying Mr. Morris's poetry. In dealing with "Paradise Lost" there was some difficulty. The poem itself was too long to be published oven in two parts. The work of abridgment was difficult, and naturally provokes hostile criticism, for the abridger must perforce lay profane hands upon a great English classic. The task, however, has been accomplished in a rough and practical fashion, and it is possible for those who have not the patience to read the long epic through, to familiarise themselves with the drift of Milton's argument and the greatest of all his passages. The contribution which Campbell made to our literature was so slight in quantity, although rare in quality, that there was no difficulty in printing the whole of his poetry which will live in a single number of the series.

The second number of "Our Poets' Corner" has been issued. It contains portraits of Burns, Longfellow, Shakespeare, and Elizabeth Barrett Browning. The

ISSUED.

portrait of Shakespeare which has been selected was painted by a Russian artist from a portrait in Ben Jonson's folio. The portraits in Number 2 are even better executed than those in No. 1, and I hope that this attempt to provide a portrait gallery of the poets will not have to be abandoned for lack of support. This album, with four portraits, and the bound volume containing the masterpieces of the four poets, whose portraits appear in the album, are issued together at a shilling. With such a shillingsworth it ought not to be difficult to dispose of the full edition of twenty-five thousand per month.

As the numbers of "The Penny Poets" multiply there increases the difficulty of keeping them together. There is no necessity for binding them. They are handier to read unbound. But a place for them is essential, otherwise they will knock about the house and litter in the bookshelves, and ultimately get lost. I therefore repeat this month the notice published in the last number of the REVIEW, about the arrangements which I had made for the supply of Bookshelves and Corner Brackets for the safekeeping of the forty-eight. The prices are as follows:

Box I. Cardboard box covered with leatherette. 11 in. by 7 in. Price 6d., or post free, 9d.

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Box II. Wood box covered with leatherette, with partition down the centre. Size 113 in. by 74 in. Price 1s. or post free, 1s. 3d.

Box III. A corner bracket in plain wood. Size 15 in. by 10 in. Price 2s. 6d., or post free, 3s.

Box IV. The same, with ornamental facings, hand-painted. Price 3s. 6d., or post free, 4s.

Box V. Ornamental stand in japanned lacquer. Size 13 in. by 15 in. Price, post free, 5s.

Box VI. Large corner bracket (made to fit any corner) in plain wood. Size 21 in. by 25 in. Price, post free, 7s. 6d. Box VII. The same, enamelled, with ornamental facings and hand-painted. Price, post free, 108.

Nearly every day I hear from friends and subscribers, that notwithstanding the extensive circulation of "The Penny Poets," they have not yet penetrated into regions

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