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had pity you despised my law, and pretended that it was not to be enforced. Now I have pity for my own people." And he drove the publican from the land.

But Khama did not confine his attack to the white man's brandy. He forbade also the sale of native beer. Calling out his young men, he told them they must give up drinking it. He followed this up by calling a great meeting of the whole town, and forbade its being made at all. He said: "You take the corn that God has given us in answer to prayer and destroy it. You not only destroy it, but you make stuff with it that causes mischief among you." Mr. Hepburn said to Khama that he thought this beer was regarded by the people as food in some respects, and Khama replied: "No; these are the lies that you missionaries are told about it. It is all

and the gin palace like two monstrous devils eating up men and women and children body and soul, Khama came to believe that the enforcement of temperance was the beginning of all virtue. It is this which he has insisted upon as the Alpha and the Omega of all good government in Bechuanaland. Neal Dow and Sir Wilfrid Lawson must pale their ineffectual fires before Khama for red-hot prohibition. He protested vehemently, and he still protests, against any permission being given to traders in the accursed thing to enter his country.

THE SALVATION OF THE COUNTRY.

He wrote to the Deputy Commissioner in 1887:-
I made an offer of my country to Sir Charles Warren in

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lies, and only lies. The drink our people like is as bad among us as yours is among you. If a man desires to concoct any wickedness he uses beer for his purpose. Every possible mischief that men can work is done among us by means of the beer-things that you missionaries have never thought or heard of. No, we may deceive you our missionaries, but we do not deceive one another."

A RED-HOT PROHIBITIONIST. There is no mistake about Khama's intense hatred of drunkenness. Alcohol is his veritable devil. If it were but exorcised from the land, he would feel that three-fourths of the battle with the forces of evil was already won. Khama was a practical man. Like Sandy MacKaye, who bade young Alton Locke to regard Gin Alley as the mouth of Hell, with the pawnbroker's shop

Sebele.

May, 1885, which your Honour informed me in March, 1886, Her Majesty's Government felt themselves unable to recommend the Queen to accept. Your Honour will permit me to point out that it is not the same thing to offer my country to Her Majesty to be occupied by English settlers, Her Majesty's subjects governed by Her Majesty's Ministers, and to allow men so worthless and unscrupulous in their characters as Messrs. Wood, Chapman and Francis to come outside of all Governments and occupy my country and put up their drink canteens and flood my country with their drink after all the long struggle I have made against it, withstanding my people at the risk of my life, and just when they have themselves come to see how great a salvation my drink laws have proved to be. It were better for me that I should lose my country than that it should be flooded with drink.

A CASE FOR MR. CHAMBERLAIN.

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There we have Khama's last word. He would rather lose his country altogether than that it should be flooded with drink. It is well that he should have put the issue so plainly. Mr. Chamberlain had just been lamenting the ravages which the free sale of drink was making among the native races who are supposed to be the wards of our Empire. Apart from the moral mischief, gin is the curse of trade. Cape smoke eats the life out of honest business. Trade rum paralyses all other trade. Therefore, if only that our working men may get employment at home, let us cease from poisoning our darkskinned brethren abroad." All very good this, and very excellent doctrine, but in the middle of the discourse up rises Khama with a hearty amen and a practical application "That is all good doctrine; help me to carry it out in practice. Nay, I do not ask that. I only ask that you, O British people, will not paralyse my efforts by compelling me to submit to the invasion of my country by the trader with his poisonous liquors." Khama's visit was well timed. If his appeal were to meet with no response, we should stand condemned as the most God-forsaken set of canting hypocrites on the whole round earth.

It is all very well to say that if Khama's authority to enforce prohibition is taken away, the British Chartered Company-which at present is Mr. Rhodes-will promise not to allow the sale of drink in Khama's country. Mr. Rhodes, no doubt, will do his best to keep his promise; but Mr. Rhodes is naturally less keenly alive to the mischief of strong drink than the chief whose tribe perish like rotten sheep before the white man's fire'water. Besides, Mr. Rhodes is not immortal, and a personal promise by Mr. Rhodes is a poor substitute for the absolute authority of a prohibitionist despot.

66 AM I AT LAST TO BE TREATED THUS?" Khama has not altogether the best of opinions as to the way in which England keeps her promises. After the Protectorate was proclaimed, an Assistant-Commissioner was appointed with power to levy taxes, issue licences, hold courts, and generally administer Khama's government without Khama himself having any word or say in the matter. This was not Khama's idea of fair treatment. He wrote:

Years ago I offered to the British Government much of my country; I offered to throw it open to the English on certain -conditions-in fact, I gave them a free hand. I believed in the English, in their justice and good government. They declined my offer, and I heard no more of the matter. And now, without formal conclave and agreement, when I should have the opportunity of consulting my headmen, and putting all important matters fairly before my people, they proceed to place a ruler in my town, so that I myself, before I can buy a bag of gunpowder, have to go and obtain a permit. This is not fair or open-handed; it puts me in the wrong with my tribe, who say, "How, then, is Khama no longer chief in his own country?" and I feel deeply that I am slighted and made small. All my life I have striven for the English, been the friend of the English, have even offered to fight for the English, and I am at last to be treated thus!

KHAMA'S ORIGINAL CONDITIONS.

Since then he has actually fought for the English, but he has not much more reason to trust them in this matter of the drink. There can be no manner of doubt as to Khama's own view of the matter. When he offered his country to Great Britain, he did so on the express understanding that there was to be no interference with the enforcement of a prohibitive policy. The official document in which Khama stated the conditions he

desired to have respected, is a very interesting State paper, and well worth quoting here:

I accept of (receive) the friendship and protection of the Government of England within the Bamangwato country. Further I give to the Queen to make laws and to 'change them in the country of the Bamangwato, with reference to both black and white. Nevertheless I am not baffled in the government of my own town, or in deciding cases among my own people according to custom; but again I do not refuse help in these offices. Although this is so, I have to say that there are certain laws of my country which the Queen of England finds in operation, and which are advantageous for my people, and I wish that these laws should be estab ished, and not taken away by the Government of England. I refer to our law concerning intoxicating drinks, that they should not enter the country of the Bamangwato. whether among black people or white people. I refer further to our law which declares that the lands of the Bamangwatos are not saleable. I say this law also is good; let it be upheld, and continued to be law among black people and white people.

To make known to the Queen the largeness of the country which is now under her protection, I put in a map in which it is tried to show with correctness the boundaries of the Bamangwato.

My people enjoy three things in our country; they enjoy their cultivated lands, and their cattle stations, and their hunting grounds. We have lived through these three things. Certainly the game will come to an end in the future, but at present it is in my country, and while it is still there I hold that it ought to be hunted by my people. I know that the help and protection of the Queen requires money, and I agree that that money should be paid by the country protected. I have thought how this can be done; I mean plans which can be thought out at the beginning so that the Queen's people may all be pleased-the black people and the white people.

I propose that a certain country of known dimension should be mine and my people's for our cultivated fields and our cattle stations as I have shown in the map. Then I say, with reference to all the country that remains, I wish that the English people should come and live in it, that they should turn it into their cultivated fields and cattle stations. What I wish to explain is, that my people must not be prevented from hunting in all the country, except where the English shall have come to dwell. My people shall be stopped by cultivated lands and the cattle stations of the English inhabitants of the country. I speak this in effect inviting the English because it is a nation with which we have become acquainted, and with whose ways we have ha 1 pleasure.

Then I request that the Queen's Government appoint a man to take charge of this matter, and let the protection of this country come from the English who will settle in it. I am of opinion that the country which I give over will exceed in value the cost of the Protectorate among the Bamangwato. Bat I feel that I am speaking to gentlemen of the Government of England. Shall I be afraid that they will requite me with witchcraft (deception leading to ruin)? Rather may I not hope that they may see both sides of the question of to-day, that they will regard the protection, and then regard also the country which I now say is theirs? That which I am also willing to contribute is to make due arrangements for the country of the lands and cattle stations of the Bamangwato, whether as to roads, or bridges, or schools, or other suitable objects. And further, I shall be ready along with my people to go out, all of us, to fight for the country alongside the English; to stop those who attack, or to go after them on the spoor of stolen stock. Further, I expect that the English people who come into the country shall protect it and fight for it, having provided themselves with horse and gun for this purpose. Having done this, without doubt, if there came a great difficulty, we would appeal for the help of our Queen in England.

The right kind of English settler in the country will be seen by his doings on his place. Some may make themselves out to be settlers for a time only, while they are killing game,

after which they would take their departure with what they had collected, having done nothing with their place. Therefore, I propose that it be enacted that the English settler who newly arrives should build his house and cultivate his lands, and show himself to be a true settler and worker, and not a travelling trader. Those who shall be received in the country, to become settlers in it, ought to be approved by the officer of the Queen appointed to this work; and I add, let us work together, let me also approve of those who are received.

Of the good results of his prohibitionist policy there is no dispute: it has been good for the country, good for the natives, and good for trade. Hundred of ploughs, chiefly of light American make, are busy in his fields, trade flourishes, and prosperity has followed in the wake of temperance. Of course, it would be absurd to put all the improvement in Bechuanaland to the credit of the prohibition policy. But in the opinion of the man who made the progress it would have been impossible without prohibition.

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His khotla is a scrupulously clean courtyard. A curious assembly these walls contain at times: outlying natives bringing in news, or what our grand-parents might have considered news; a filibustering expedition is hovering near the border; an ox has died mysteriously, or a traveller's waggon has broken down; headmen (each in charge of a section of the big population) waiting to lay difficulties or accusations before the chief. A German traveller on his harmless journey north for insects or game, sometimes with a single rifle; or Major Goold-Adams, who has ridden up from Mafeking; or Mr. Selous, full of gentle regret over the distance lions will keep; or a missionary gaining hope from Khama's life for his work in a lonely north. All alike, Khama greets with easy natural dignity, and rather silent manner. Your words are wise words," is the often repeated answer to what he agrees with.

Then the king does his business with the Europeans, after which he sits regularly in his courtyard, deciding cases of dispute, trying offenders, and hearing the grievances or requests of any of his subjects who approach him; and the remainder of the day is spent in the work of managing his numerous gardens and lands and cattle posts.

SUNDAY AT SHOSHONG.

The same writer previously quoted in Murray says:Sunday at Shoshong is a pretty, almost homelike day. Early in the morning Khama goes up to the springs in the deep mountain kloof, where hundreds of the women gather with their red or yellow water-pots and calabashes; each as she passes the chief receives his kindly greeting, "Good morning, my friend," or "my child." Something of the same kind we saw when the large congregation came out from the afternoon service, and Khama, with his kindly face and sweet smile, walked up the wide road, patting the curly heads of the little brown children, and speaking to the elders. Later that day he was giving food to the old men of a regiment, for, as Lieutenant Haynes noticed, Khama spends a great part of his revenue in acts of kindness to his people." The day had that beautiful stillness of Sunday. Waggons are not forbidden to trek in, for the heavy roads are full of difficulty, but Khama's strong wish against it is made known. He encourages his people to go to the outlying tribes to teach them, though he allows no pressure to be put on any one to join his own faith. Where heathen customs are harmless he does not forbid them, though he declared against them at once in all what might be called State functions. Every year he begins

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the digging season with a solemn meeting for public prayer instead of the old rites, and to the astonishment of the people the harvests continually increase. Unlike other interior chiefs, who either virtually or in plainest words demand presents from visitors as a payment for passing through their country, Khama refuses them if offered.

ONE OF HIS GOOD WORKS.

One of the best things Khama has ever done was his treatment of the miserable pariah tribes which before his time were treated as if they were wild beasts. Mr. Selous says:

A generation ago all the Bakalahari lived the life described by Dr. Livingstone and others. They wandered continually, under a burning sun, over the heated sands of the Kalahari, without any fixed habitation, and ever and always engaged in a terrible struggle for existence, living on berries and bulbs and roots, on snakes and toads and lizards, with an occasional glorious feast on a fat eland, giraffe, or zebra, caught in a pitfall; sucking up water through reeds, and spitting it into the ostrich egg-shells, in which they were wont to carry it, and altogether leading a life of bitter grinding hardship from the cradle to the grave. In fact, they were utter savages; joyless, soulless animals, believing nothing, hoping nothing, but, unlike Sir Walter Scott's Bothwell, fearing much, for they were sore oppressed by their Bechwana masters, and often became the prey of the lions and hyenas that roamed the deserts as well as they. Now many of the wild people have been induced by Khama to give up their nomadic life. He supplied them with seed corn, and, as may be seen at Klabala and other places, the Bakalaharis of the present day hoe up large expanses of ground, and grow so much corn that, except in seasons of drought, they know not the famine from which their forefathers were continually suffering. In addition to this, Khama and his headmen have given them eattle, sheep, and goats, to tend for them, from which they obtain a constant supply of milk. In fact, it may be said that Khama has successfully commenced the work of converting a tribe of miserable nomadic savages into a happy pastoral people.

THE REMOVAL OF HIS CAPITAL.

Finding it possible to transfer his capital from Shoshong to Palapye, he did so, to the great advantage of his tribe. Mrs. Hepburn says:

Palapye is a native town covering some twenty square miles of ground, holding some thirty thousand inhabitants; yet a few years ago there was no such place as Palapye in existence. You admire the comfortable red-clay, thatched cottages-it seems sacrilege to write them down huts-with their neat inclosures, in which the "aboriginal," as they call him in Australia, may sit under his own vine and fig-tree, none daring to make him afraid; you enjoy gratefully the shade of the trees, the size of the oaks of Government Avenue, Cape Town, which everywhere screen the dwellings and paths from the sun, at the same time affording homes for thousands of chirping, twittering and singing birds; you note on every hand neatness and comfort, and a simple, innocent enjoyment of life, and you marvel at the native wisdom which has chosen such a model site for the town.

SOME TRIBUTES TO KHAMA'S RULE.

Mr. J. Theodore Bent went to Bechuanaland strongly prejudiced against Khama. But a very short experience of the man swept these prejudices away. Mr. Bent writes:

King Khama is a model savage, if a black man who has been thoroughly civilised by European and missionary influences can still be called one. He is an autocrat of the best possible type, whose influence in his country is entirely thrown into the scale of virtue for the suppression of vice. Such a thing as theft is unknown in his realm; he will not allow his subjects to make or drink beer." Beer is the source of all quarrels," he says: "I will stop it." He has put a stop also to the existence of witch-doctors and their wiles throughout all the Bamang

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wato. Khama, in manner and appearance, is thoroughly a gentleman, dignified and courteous; he wears well-made European clothes, a billy-cock hat and gloves, in his hand he brandishes a dainty cane, and he pervades everything in his country, riding about from point to point wherever his presence is required; and if he is just a little too much of a dandy it is an error in his peculiar case in the right direction.

They all say the same thing. The wife of the Bishop of Mashonaland says of Khama :

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He is a radical reformer, who yet develops both himself and his people on the natural lines of the race; he has made himself into a character that can be spoken of as a perfect English gentleman," but without losing for a moment his selfrespect as an African; he has kept his position as a disciple, not a mimic, of white civilisation, and he has shown how such a man can raise a nation. He has done it all, as he would tell us, because he is a Christian convert.

Mr. H. C. Selous, the Nimrod of Africa, declares Khama to be a strictly upright and honourable man. The Rev. George Cousins says:

Undoubtedly this chief stands out conspicuously among South African princes as the finest, noblest of them all. He rules with a firm hand, is soldierly in bearing, a keen sportsman, a good rider, every inch a man; but combined with this strength there is remarkable patience, gentleness, and kindliness of disposition, and none who know him doubt his sincerity. or earnestness as a Christian. The remarkable way in which by the force of his own example and conduct he has led his people forward in the pathway of enlightened Christian progress furnishes striking evidence of this.

WHAT MRS. HEPBURN SAYS.

The best and most recent testimony to his character is to be found in Mrs. Hepburn's tribute to her friend in the few pages she has added to the letters of her husband in "Twenty Years in Khama's Country." She says:

I know no other interior chief who has even attempted the half that Khama has accomplished in the advancing of his people towards the goal of civilisation. He has not only stopped the introduction of brandy into his country, but he has stopped his people from making their own native beer. He has not only put an end to rain-making, and introduced Christian services in its place, but he has put his foot down firmly upon their time-honoured ceremony of circumcision. He has not only made a law against the purchase of slaves (Masarwa or Bushmen), and declared himself the Bushman's friend, but he has abolished bagadi, or the purchase of wives by cattle, and introduced the law of marriage from free choice, at an age when young men and young women are capable of forming such an attachment intelligently. Out of the ruins of anarchy, lawlessness, and general disorder he has been building up law, order, and stability. His people are living in peace, his fields are laden with corn, the white man's home is as sacred as in his own country, and a purer morality is growing up from day to day.

It is now nearly a quarter of a century since Khama and I became friends. We were with him-my husband and I -through these long years, in sorrow and joy; through times of famine and of plenty; through the miseries of war, and in the quietude of peace and prosperity. We have tasted persecution together; and together have been permitted to see the desert rejoicing and blossoming as the rose, under the good hand of our God upon us. But more than this; for months at a time, while my husband was visiting the Lake Ngami people, have I been left with my children, under Khama's sole protection and guardianship; and no brother could have cared for us more thoughtfully and kindly. During these absences of his missionary I have often had to assist the chief, interpreting and correspondling for him, etc., and advising him in any difficulties which might arise. And in all our intercourse I can most gratefully say that he was to me always a true Christian gentleman in word and deed. No one now living knows "Khama the Good" as I know him. Did they do so they could but honour and trust him as I do from my heart.

HOW HE HELPED IN MASHONALAND.

Khama proved an invaluable ally when the first advance was made into Mashonaland. Mr. Selous says:

It is my belief that, had not Khama come to our assistance, not a coloured boy would have crossed the Tuli, and the expedition in that case would have been most lamentably crippled. I have never yet seen Khama's aid acknowledged or even referred to, and I therefore take this opportunity of stating that, in my opinion, he, by his hearty co-operation in every way, and whenever called upon with the leaders of the expedition to Mashonaland, not only rendered inestimable services to the British South Africa Company, but earned the gratitude of all Englishmen who are interested in British expansion in South Africa.

The two hundred "boys" whom Khama sent to assist the pioneer expedition, under the command of his brother, Radi-Kladi, were employed by Mr. Selous in a variety of capacities, and it was largely their help that enabled the pioneer column to make its rapid march from the Tuli through the belt of bush country to the Mashonaland platean, where Lobengula recognised that it would be folly for him to attempt an attack.

A FAITHFUL ALLY AGAINST LOBENGULA.

When the time had fully come for the extinction of the murderous slaughter-machine which Lobengula directed from Buluwayo, Khama sent a mounted force to co-operate with the British expedition. After helping to win the first victories, Khama suddenly recalled his men. Hence, when Mr. Rhodes visited Palapye in the first flush of victory, he bitterly reproached Khama and his fighting indunas for deserting Major Goold-Adams. Khama, when subsequently questioned on the subject by an interviewer, replied:

"No, I do not want to speak about that, because, since then, Mr. Rhodes has asked me to forgive him for words which he said when he was misinformed, and I cannot go back on what I have already forgotten."

Mr. Chamberlain, who never forgives and never forgets, might with advantage take a lesson from his dusky visitor the first reigning chief, I believe, whom he has received at the Colonial Office.

HIS DIFFERENCE WITH MR. RHODES.

The story about the disagreement is very simple. The first Matabele war was a joint stock affair, waged, in part, by the Imperial troops under Major Goold-Adams, and in part by the troops of the Chartered Company, recruited chiefly from old frontiersmen used to bush fighting and inured to the wiles of the Matabele. Khama was asked to send his fighting men to the northern frontier of his territory to support the advance of the Goold-Adams column. This was all that he was asked to do, and this was all he undertook to do. When he reached the rendezvous, Major Goold-Adams insisted upon his accompanying his troops in the invasion of Matabeleland. Khama consented, and his tribesmen rendered yeoman's service in all the operations of the Goold-Adams column until the so-called first Matabele war ended. His scouts were twenty-four hours in advance of the Imperial scouts. They sent him word that all fighting was over, that the Matabele had fled northward, and that Dr. Jamieson and his men were advancing on Buluwayo. This being the case, Khama said the war was over. He was wanted at home, and so were his men. Besides, there were other reasons, of a domestic or tribal nature, which demanded his return, and as the war was over, he was going back. Major Goold-Adams objected to this desertion. He said he had no information justifying the statement made by Khama. "I cannot help it if your

men are slow," said Khama.

my men, as you believe yours. "I know it is true. I believe home he went, much to the indignation of Major I am going home," and Goold-Adams, an indignation which lasted just twentyfour hours, for at the close of that time the Imperial scouts brought in confirmation of Khanna's news. The report of Khama's "desertion" had, however, got twenty-four hours' start, and as the truth is proverbially much slower than falsehood, the contradiction did not overtake the original story for many days. Mr. Rhodes was under a false impression when he reached Palapye, and being a man who speaks his mind when his indignation is hot within him, he "gave it to Khama" pretty hotly when he spoke in the khotla of his capital on his return from the seat of war. man and the great black man were for a few months on As a result the great white terms which were the reverse of friendly. After a time, however, Dr. Jamieson came to Palapye with a message from Mr. Rhodes. The great white man assured the great black man that the censure spoken in the khotla was due to a misapprehension. His words were due to a lack of knowledge of the facts-facts which were at the time known to neither Dr. Jamieson nor Mr. Rhodes. Khama, who is a magnanimous nature, accepted the explanation with quiet dignity. "If the words were so spoken," he said, "it is enough; I have already forgotten them."

IV.-KHAMA'S MISSION.

Armfield's Hotel, South Place, Finsbury, the headquarters of Khama during his sojourn in London, stands almost immediately opposite the famous chapel where first Mr. W. J. Fox and then Mr. Moncure D. Conway endeavoured to popularise a religion of humanity in which equal honour was paid to all theologies and all the founders of all the creeds not only of Christendom but of the world.

Khama, whom I had the privilege of meeting at Armfield's, in personal appearance is dignified, although not imposing. His figure is tall and slightly aslant, reminding one at first of Abraham Lincoln; but the resemblance does not extend to the features. countenance is anything but what we associate with the word African. His neither the flattened nose nor the broad lips nor the The skin, of course, is dark, but there is bloodshot eyes, which are often the distinctive characteristics of the South African. His hair is very scant and gray and grizzled. His personal address is pleasing, without being effusive, but his knowledge of English being limited to a very few words, it is difficult for any one to form any clear idea of his manners and mode of speech, unless he had previously acquired a knowledge of Khama's tongue.

KHAMA'S STRENGTH.

Perhaps the most notable feature of Khama is the extent to which he succeeds in impressing those who visit him with his superiority. One who knew him well states that "the odd thing about Khama is that all who meet him seem to find that he excels in whatever department they are interested in. The hunter finds that Khama is the greatest of all sportsmen, a veritable Nimrod. The missionary declares that he is one of the holiest of saints. The politician finds him a statesman of the first rank, etc. these things. He is a thoroughly good man, honest and In reality, Khama is none of painstaking, self-possessed and resolute. These qualities are so rarely to be found in native chiefs that it is not very surprising that the man should have become a semi-legendary figure. For instance, take the story that

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is frequently put about his preaching to his tribe on Sundays. Khama is not a preacher. Sometimes he is called upon, like any other man of his tribe, to testify in the prayer-meeting, but he is not a fluent speaker, and a sermon he has never made in his life. It has fallen to his lot to make announcements, explaining certain positions he has taken, and to set forth the reasons for his steps, but beyond this he has never gone. hunter he is or was, in his younger days-above the As a average of his tribe, and as a statesman he is honest, straightforward and courageous."

HIS GOOD-HEARTEDNESS.

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Khama is a good-hearted man, with a great sense of his personal obligations to individuals. This, indeed, is developed to such an extent as to blind him to his paramount obligation to his people. not kill Sekhome?" said I, in a long and interesting "Why did he conversation which I had with Mr. Willoughby at Armfield's Hotel. "It always seemed to me that it was one of the greatest blunders of his career." "Because," said Mr. Willoughby, father and Khamani was his brother. Sekhome was his lives were forfeited over and over again. According to Both of their native laws or according to rules which prevail in more civilised communities, Sekhome ought to have been executed. The tribe expected it. Had Sekhome succeeded, he would certainly have executed Khama; but to all representations as to the obvious political necessity of executing the old chief Khama replied by simply stating, Sekhome is my father.'

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"Therefore," I said, "the filial obligations of Khama overrode the much more serious obligations which he owed to the tribe of Bamangwato?"

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But," said Mr. Willoughby; "Khama could not see it in that light. Nothing could induce him to execute his father."

Nor, indeed, will he deal out justice to his brother. Only the other day he gave Khamani one of the best patches of land in the whole country. Khamani, who had been a rebel, and who had sought his brother's life, came in professing penitence and begging forgiveness. Khama withheld his reply for some time, and then settled him on this fertile tract. Khama was asked, " from the point of view of the tribe?" "Do you think it was wise." death, and I must do for him whatever I can." "I don't know," said Khama; "I have thought of that, but Khamani is my brother. He is drinking himself to This amiable feature in Khama s character may yet cost the tribe dear. He may, however, declare that policy should be judged by its fruits, and on the whole he has not come off badly, notwithstanding his subordination of political exigencies to family affection.

WHAT KHAMA WANTS.

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It is not as yet officially stated what it is that Khama
has come to this country to seek.
informally, it is understood that Khama desires to save
Unofficially and
his country from being placed under the government of the
British South African Chartered Company. Khama offered
his country outright to Sir Charles Warren, in the hope
that it might be governed by representatives of the
Colonial Office.
entirely different arrangement, which he did not approve
This was rejected; and afterwards an
of, but which he acquiesced in, was made as a temporary
settlement of the question.
Bechuanaland became a British Protectorate, the southern
By this arrangement,
half of it being more directly controlled by the British
Administrator than the northern part.
ever, Mr. Rhodes proposes to annex South Bechuana-
Now, how-

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