will also suffice to make manifest the customs and manners bequeathed to you by your ancestors."

While the Emperor's work and influence on internal affairs are of great importance, the world is naturally interested to know whether or no the influence of Japan in world politics is for peace or war. We have heard from Prince Katsura and from our own statesmen that the Anglo-Japanese Alliance is one of the greatest of forces making for the peace of Europe; but what does the Emperor think, and what will the Emperor do?

To answer this it is only necessary to turn again to the utterances of the Japanese Emperor on the allimportant subject of the future of his country; in these there is ample reassurance for the most apprehensive. And in reading the Imperial words, it must

The New Crown Prince of Japan.

never be forgotten that they are no impromptu speeches or telegrams, such as we are accustomed to from the lips of European monarchs or American Presidents. They are something far more serious than that, partaking of the nature of proclamations, for the very position of the Japanese Emperor in the eyes of his subjects is different from anything that can be found in Europe. Besides his position, there is his character to be considered, and also the powers granted him under the Constitution. It is no exaggeration to say that, as a monarch, the Japanese Emperor stands pre-eminent at the present moment. And he has had to accomplish his great work of making Japan what she is now without any of that preparation for kingshi ich falls to the lot of Western monarchs.

Everything was against him, and yet at the time of the Restoration he gathered all the threads into his hand, and for forty years has been the motive power for progress in every department of his Empire. Situated as he is in isolation, he is not able to touch all the thousand and one details of national existence; but the broad lines of policy, the essential foundations for success, are due to him. There is no statesman in Japan, however great, not even the wonderful Ito himself, who does not acknowledge that he is but the instrument of the Emperor, and that all his work would have been unavailing had it not been for the Imperial impulse. Speaking little, thinking much, the Emperor of Japan is one whose utterances must carry weight in Japan above anything else. By the Constitution he is granted the greatest powers to enforce his utterances, and to see that the policy he lays down as the best shall be carried out. The Ministers of State are responsible to the Emperor alone, and are dismissed or retained at his pleasure. The Emperor is the head of the army and of the navy. As regards foreign relations he is also supreme. By the thirteenth Article of the Constitution it is held that the conduct of diplomatic affairs forms a part of the Imperial prerogative, and lies entirely outside the rights of the Imperial Diet. Thus the utterances of the Emperor on foreign relations are those of the man who decides those relations, not merely those of one who suggests them. The following extracts from speeches and Imperial edicts allow of no misunderstanding as to the Imperial policy towards foreign countries. In an Imperial proclamation of April 21, 1895, occurs the following:-" We deem it that the development of the prestige of the country could be obtained only by peace. It is Our mission, which We inherited from Our ancestors, that peace should be maintained in an effectual way. The foundations of the great policy of Our ancestors has been made more stable. We desire that We shall, together with Our people, be specially guarded against arrogance or relaxation. It is what We highly object to, that the people should become arrogant by being puffed up with triumph, and despise others rashly, which would go towards losing the respect of foreign Powers. Since the development of the nation can be obtained by peace, it is a divine duty imposed upon Us by Our ancestors, and it has been Our intention and endeavour since Our accession to the throne to maintain peace so as to enjoy it constantly. . . . We are positively against insulting others and falling into idle pride by being elated by victories, and against losing the confidence of Our friendly states."

And so there is another "Policeman of Peace" to aid the British Navy in the world mission. The new era in Japan which commences with the accession of the new Emperor has received the name of Taisho, or "great resolutions," and we do not hesitate to say that the work and the continuing influence of the late Emperor will go immensely towards the great resolutions of his successor.

IN

N our last number we dealt with the greatest of all Imperial problems-the Imperial organisation of the peopling of the Empire. The article has awakened universal interest, and has shown to us that at the present moment this country and the overseas dominions alike are searching after some adequate means of coping with the twofold problemthe relief of continuing pauperism here and the filling. of the empty areas of the Empire with the most suitable citizens. The solution of this will mean more to the Empire than many Dreadnoughts, since it will enable the dominions across the seas to attain a fuller measure of strength and wealth. We have thought it well to collect the views of some of those actually dealing with the migration of citizens from part of the Empire to another, and give them below. The main fact is clear and undisputed that something must be done.

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There are those

who say that the philanthropic societies are to be discouraged, and the bona fide agents, who frankly do their work for so much commission per head, encouraged. There seems no doubt that there is room for both, but they must be adequately controlled and subservient to an Imperial machinery for dealing with the whole question. The foundation of Empire-peopling is the education of the young and the continuing of that education when the child reaches his or her destination. The elementary schools are the great beginning of Empire settlement; but pending the results of an Imperial universal education we must use up existing material. There is much to be learned from the letters given below, and in a subsequent article we will endeavour, out of all the needs and existing organisations, to evolve a truly Imperial and practically workable scheme of emigration machinery, which will not only people the Empire systematically and scientifically, but will also bring into being an Imperial department, the creation of every new one of which brings closer the day of real Imperial Federation. We would just say, however, that while the work of studying needs and material. available should be carried out by an Imperial Board, once the migrants have been allocated their future home they would naturally be dealt with by the various Governments, who possess now in many cases

an excellent machinery. Then again the Board of Trade Labour Exchanges should be made more use of, the local post-office should become a centre for the spreading of Empire knowledge, and the various countries seeking population must be prepared to spend money on a large scale to assist passengers to their shores. Recently in Canada a Minister declared that they should spend £10,000,000 in order to secure 3,000,000 competent farmers--or only over three pounds per head. As immediate steps, pending more complete organisation, the Poor Law authorities should have the right to board out children anywhere in the Empire, not only in this country. That would be a great step.

Then, again, there is the great question of from time-expired men the army and navy. This is material of the very highest value, even although the men are not agriculturists, nor have they any special line of business. They are, however, physically fit, trained to think, and in the prime of life, while many are married men. To enable them to migrate relieves the labour market here, peoples tracts of our overseas dominions, and supplies a stiffening to the military systems of the various parts of the Empire. In ancient Rome the planting of soldier colonies was an excellent institution, and to-day we should not be above following the Roman example. When we consider that for the next three years no fewer than 24,000 men will be leaving the army annually-or 72,000 men in all--we must admit that here is a very real and immediate method of supplying good Empire population while waiting for the younger generation..

It is of interest to note that Mr. Scammell has gone to Canada to arrange for some business method of sending over these tens of thousands of men with their families. It is probable that the Canadian Government will give financial assistance in the way of passage money--it would be extraordinary were it not so. These few points show us the wonderful variety of the question, and cannot fail to impress upon us the necessity and the Imperial duty which devolves upon us all to lose no time in systematising the peopling of the Empire, a problem which, to quote Sir John Henniker Heaton, "is of first class importance and has never before assumed such importance."

Coast of Tasmania, where large mining enterprises are carried on. Personally, I have come to the conclusion that we want something like a business arrangement, by which provision would be made in the Overseas Dominions for the settlement of the people who may be encouraged to go out there to settle on the land. We do not want to land a lot of people into each city to go wandering about and become useless citizens; we want to have provision made for them to take up land work as soon as they arrive. We have plenty of land, even in Tasmania, to support a very largely increased population. There could be four or five times the number we have already there. I am hopeful that within the next few months the Government will adopt a land settlement policy, so that we might get the whole of our available land settled at once, instead of waiting for years, as we have to do under the policy -or, rather, want of policy-that has obtained in the past. I purpose going out to Tasmania in November with a view to inducing the Government to take up a land settlement scheme, so that the people in this country desirous of settling on the land in the Overseas Dominions will know that, so far as our State is concerned, the land is immediately available, and also know the assistance they may expect from the Government through their experts, who are employed by the Agricultural Department to advise settlers, and generally to bring back with me all the information they could desire to enable them to judge of the future prospects in that State. I believe something similar has already been done by Victoria, in what is known as their irrigation areas; but I believe that this policy could be extended to such an extent in Australia alone as to make full provision for all the desirable settlers that could be obtained from the Mother Country at the present time.

When you come to consider what might be done on this side, it would appear that whenever you have a large surplus population you must have a considerable number of people who, through no fault of their own, are thrown on the rates, and have to be supported by their more fortunate brothers who have employment. It appears to me that it ought not to be difficult for those on whom the responsibility falls of making this provision to come to some business arrangement with the Governments of the Dominions or States, by which, at any rate, they would be relieved of a considerable proportion of their present expenditure. That is to say, that the whole cost of getting these new settlers ought not to fall upon the Colonial Governments, but might well be shared by the bodies now practically responsible for their full keep. If this were done the position of the people would be better, and the cost to the ratepayers considerably reduced.

With reference to your article in regard to child emigration, I think a great deal might be done to relieve the position here, and at the same time educate and develop colonists, who would probably prove to be of greater value than the majority of those now secured under the more expensive methods. Where

these children have no relatives, I think the earlier they emigrate the better for themselves and for the Dominions; but where the children have parents who do not wish to lose them at so early an age, much might be done to educate them for emigration in the elementary schools.

A very excellent scheme is being carried out in Western Australia, having originated with one of the Rhodes scholars at Oxford. They have formed an Emigration Society, and have obtained from the West Australian Government land for carrying out their experiment. The children will be taken on to farms and there educated as farmers' sons would be educated; in that way they would grow up in the right environment, and would secure for that State a large number of land workers. An extension of this scheme might be made to include girls, for whom no provision is made; in the same way they would be educated under Colonial conditions, and would be ready to take up positions on the various farms when old enough to be allowed to work on their own responsibility. These girls should be trained not only for farm work, but for domestic work, and the farm home would become a real home for these boys and girls, to which they could return for holidays, or when they were out of employment. It is better for the children to be altogether educated in the country where they will spend their future, if they have no parents to whom they can look for help. But there would still be a very large class who could be educated in this country on a farm school until perhaps they were thirteen or fourteen, when they could be sent abroad to complete their education at a similar farm school in one of the Dominions. Personally, I think that in the end they would probably get better labour by taking the children and educating them under local conditions than by sending out adults. For I think few of us who have been in both countries have any doubt as to the superiority of the Colonial labourer.

(At the present time a very large number of untrained young fellows who come to the Colonies have a difficulty at first in obtaining employment, owing to want of training and experience, and these men have a very detrimental effect on the Colonial labourer, tending to bring him down to their level.)

In those cases where the ratepayers are being relieved they should not hesitate to expend a portion of that money in giving these children a large outlook for their future. Of course, one of the things the Colonies have to be most particular about (this has been called to one's mind by the recent Eugenics Congress that has been held in London) is the type of child that is sent out. In some of these institutions, I understand, a very large proportion of the children would be considered undesirable, not owing to their vices, but because of their mental deficiencies. It would have to be understood that under any scheme that might be inaugurated there would have to be a rigid examination and inspection, and only the desirables could possibly hope to be selected.