The Near Eastern Crisis: showing the mountainous nature of the country and the natural lines of attack upon Turkey. has the fullest assurances that Bukharest will not move. The mobilisation of the Roumanian Army along the northern bank of the Danube, which forms the frontier between Roumania and Bulgaria, would suffice to prevent war between Bulgaria and Turkey. And such action on the part of Roumania would be the direct result of a request by the Great Powers. Austria can bring pressure to bear on Servia, as history has shown time and again, since Austria has never failed to exercise this power to the detriment of Servia's national development. Thus there should be no difficulty in avoiding war from the North. If there be peace, the credit will largely remain with King Charles. We would also go so far as to say that Italy and her allies would never have ventured on the present dangerous powder-play had they not been sure of the policeman. If the situation can be held stationary even for ten days, the crisis is over, since it is impossible for Bulgaria, at any rate, to maintain her army on a war footing for many days without disastrous results. Thus there is every probability that Turkey, freed from the preoccupation of Tripoli, will be able to turn her attention to reform at home. The present display of warlike possibilities will serve as a stimulus to more rapid reform. But the essential is that this country shall lose no time in assuring Turkey that we are going to help her, to back her up, and to prove that the Turks who demonstrated before the British Embassy in Constantinople and cried "Vive l'Angleterre were not buoying themselves up with a false reliance on British friendship. It is easy to understand why it is impossible for any other Great Power, save ourselves and possibly France, to undertake the task of helping Turkey disinterestedly. Russia wishes Constantinople and part of Asia Minor, Austria desires the road down to Salonica, Italy longs for the Albanian coast of the Adriatic, while Germany hopes by support of Austria's desire to obtain a Mediterranean or Adriatic seaport. Inevitably therefore these countries must either desire a weak and not a strong Turkey or else be prepared to forgo their ambitions. However much this Islam-the Key country may be in to the British Empire. favour of reforms in Turkey, and even if there be much sympathy for their small neighbours who have decided to force the pace, we cannot afford to forget that our interests are vitally bound bound up with Turkey. The two Mohammedan Powers must stand together-we, at any rate, cannot afford to allow undue coercion and possible disaster to befall the Caliphate. If we were ready, if Constantinople were to pass out of Turkish hands, to constitute ourselves as guardians of the holy cities of Islam, we might be able to decide impartially in a Near Eastern question. As it is, we cannot help ourselves: we must support Turkey. Material interests, again, should urge us to do so, since we have nothing save sentimental bonds with Bulgaria, Servia, and Greece; they are always bound to be more likely against us in any European coalition than with us. And this not because they particularly desire it, but because we have "Pan-Islamism has steadily progressed, until now, under the influence of recent events, it has undoubtedly attained to a power, an importance, and a cohesion such as has never previously been the case. The loyal Mohammedan community is greatly disturbed by the course of British policy, not understanding the intricacies of European politics. In this frame of mind it has been approached by the emissaries of Pan Those closest in touch with Islamism with results which are most unfortunate from community." few points of contact, few common predominant in that country it is that interests, with them. How very much every citizen feels that he has a duty the situation should be taken to heart to perform towards his mother counin London may be judged by the try-a duty imposed upon him by the following extract from an Indian corre- sense of gratitude which he feels for spondent of the Times, who writes: all the advantages he gains by his citizenship. This is the only basis upon which a nation can remain really great, and present a firm and undivided front against all dangers. Citizenship should imply the duty of service to the country. We would, therefore, urge upon all not to be led away by the idea that universal service necessarily means conscription. In our mind it does not even necessarily mean military training. We prefer a broader and more national view of universal service, and believe that the citizen should he serve his country in any recognised capacity, or should he show that his efforts on behalf of the country are producing, or will produce, good results, is as truly performing his service as is the voluntary soldier or the conscript. Service there must be if citizenship is to be worth anything. With regard to universal military service, this should be based upon a positive realisation by the individual of his love for his country, with the inevitable result that as a good citizen he must desire to be competent and trained in order to be a worthy son of his country in time of attack. We do not think that any system of conscription based upon a Continental model would be satisfactory or what is needed here. No great national change can come by compulsion. We think it only fair, however, to say that we do not believe those opponents of conscription who use as their most important argument that the people of this country would never We must consider whether we can afford to allow Turkey to be beaten, or even to have Turkey victorious, in war, although one or the other results may be pleasing to Austria or to Russia. We have the fact to face that, to quote an eminent authority, " Islam is the key to the British Empire." Nor is the matter made easier for us by a knowledge that, had we openly come out before this with a declaration of the community of interests between the two Mohammedan Empires, there would have been real progress in reform, there would have been tranquillity in Turkey, and there would have been no war and no menace of further war. Our moral responsibility runs with our material and vital interests in this matter, and a mere sentimental tradition perpetuating an ignorant prejudice against religious differences should weigh no longer in the determination of a definite line of policy. by Consent. Last month we we pubUniversal Service lished an article upon the duty of citizenship as shown in Japan. If there is one lesson which is strikingly accept compulsory service. This is not zeal prevails; the Swiss soldier gladly the case, and if proof were needed it can be found in the way in which the Insurance Act, affecting as it does everybody and inconveniencing the majority, has been received. If we could rely upon the enthusiasm of the masses for physical improvement or for rifle shooting, a solution of the problem would be comparatively easy. This, however, is not so, and yet it is probable that the men themselves would enjoy being more physically fit, and would be interested in marksmanship for the defence of their country against an invader. What is makes great exertions for the love of his country, and the Swiss Army is maintained by the love of the whole Swiss people." We may forget our duties of citizenship, but we cannot in this way avoid the responsibility. If Mahomet said, "Let each one of you share in the direction of public affairs, and everyone who thus directs is responsible," so must we. In this connection no more inspiring example could be found than the death of the famous Japanese warrior, General Nogi, in order to emphasize and perpetuate the practical patriotism in which he believed. The Dominions National Defence. The Dominions con to demonstrate that to them the Empire What is needed is that every man should be able to shoot, and that he should have the rudiments of discipline. We do not need an enormous military machine such as exists on the Continent. Colonel Seely, M.P., Secretary of State for War, speaking of the Territorial Force, of whom he said there were 263,479 officers and men, or 84 per cent. of the establishment laid down, launched the idea of universal service by consent as the nobler ideal for home defence. He promised that "if you fulfil the ideal of universal service by consent, the Government, be it this one or the next, will so frame its organisation as to comprehend you all." This is a distinct step in advance, and Colonel Seely is to be congratulated both on his common sense and on a certain degree of courage. We would recommend to him the remarkable speech of the German Emperor concerning the Swiss Army: "In the Swiss Army extraordinary Canada, were more than enthusiastic is a very real thing by continuing their preparations to supplement our naval power by Dreadnoughts, by military contributions, and by local squadrons. At the same time they are pressing on for systems of universal cadet training, and are fully awake to the fact that they think such a course is both necessary and beneficial. But it is as well that this country should realise now, rather than later, that in the near future the Dominions who are training their sons to be efficient in the defence of their country and to be available in case of Empire peril will certainly urge, if they do not demand, that we in the Mother Country shall take some similar steps. It is not that they do not realise that the British Army is excellent-all the Colonial officers, including Colonel Sam Hughes, the Minister of Militia in dian Ambassador Aeroplanes and The military manœuvres, in practically every country of over what they saw at the recent the American representative upon his manœuvres-but that will not satisfy own ground, since he has been brought them indefinitely. To carry out their up in much the same atmosphere, and own convictions and their own beliefs, has the same advantages of newer they must work towards the day when civilisation and bracing climate. Since every citizen of the Empire should the majority of the relations between share in the defence of the Empire. We the United States and the British do not say that they will succeed in con- Empire directly concern Canada, it is vincing us, but it is no use to shut one's only business prudence to entrust the eyes to the fact that, having accepted care of these interests to a Canadian. naval assistance, it is much more difficult Naturally the Canadian Ambassador not to listen to military advice. And it is would come under the direct control men such as Colonel Hughes who will be of the British Foreign Office, and would responsible if the Dominions do succeed. in no sense occupy a different position The Panama question than that now held by Mr. Bryce. Why not a Cana- has added another, and a The results, however, of the Canadian in Washington ? conclusive, proof that it occupancy would be very different is practically hopeless for from those to be hoped for to-day. us to derive any benefit from appointing as our Ambassador in Washington one born in the Mother Country. There is a fundamental difference in point of view and in methods of attaining objects between the civilisation of England and the newer and more virile development of America. As it is in the Olympic games, so it is in American diplomacy. The main object is to succeed. To pit a man brought up in the atmosphere of this country, educated along traditional lines, against the ultra-intelligent politicians of Washington, who have proved their supreme qualifications for high offices in the political arena, is to ensure that we will have the worst of all bargains. But happily there is ready to hand a more than adequate remedy. Instead of finding our Ambassador at Washington in this country, it would be far better to send as a representative of the British Empire a prominent Canadian. He would be able to meet Europe, which took place last month have brought into prominence the value of aeroplanes and dirigible balloons in the direction of keeping generals informed of the movements of the enemy. It is to be regretted, however, that the newspapers of this country allowed themselves to be unduly carried away by their enthusiasm and give the general public an entirely erroneous idea of the relative value of aeroplanes. The fact that it was possible for an entire army division to remain during two or three days undetected by the aeroplanes of the opposing forces is in itself a proof that there are decided limitations to this form of observation. It must also not be forgotten that in many cases in which the aeroplanes secured information they did so by flying at very low altitudes, often directly over the masses |