Europe, what then? The world cannot think otherwise than that Austria is either determined to flout the policy of the open door and equal opportunity or else that, having no clear political ideas, those responsible in Vienna for Austria's destiny have determined to create an "international crisis atmosphere," and hope to evolve some possible policy before the sky clears. What is certainly necessary, however, in the interests of Austria's moral position in Europe and of the comity of nations is that she shall clearly define her policy and prove her claims so that the world may be reassured that she is pursuing no merely selfish ends. If Austria's reasons and policy are cogent enough to allow her to mobilise and bring Europe to the brink of Armageddon, they are surely possible of expression. Only Austria can dispel the bewilderment of her traditional friends the British people.

What England must do.

It is not enough that this country shall express to Servia, as, we believe, she has done, her desire that a Balkan Customs Union shall be formed. British interests and trade demand that some more decisive steps shall be taken to secure for this country an opportunity of enjoying the exceptional or favourable opportunities offered her by Servia and the other Balkan nations. While we can with perfect truth assert that we have no political interest in the settlement of affairs between the Balkan alliance and Turkey, it would be the negation of commercial statesmanship were we wilfully to ignore the fact that in the Balkans there is a great market for British goods and British enterprise.

While it is probably quite impossible for Servia to separate herself completely from Austria-Hungary's commercial activity, there is no question that the present action of AustriaHungary with regard to Servia has intensified a hundredfold the hatred of Austria, and the determination of Servians to develop commercial relations with other countries. The attitude of Servia is perfectly correct, since M. Pachitch has declared " that Servia will place no obstacle in the way of Austria's commercial expansion, and will not reject her justified economic demands." This, although a fair declaration, is, of course, of no value to Vienna, since it is impossible for her to justify the economic demands which she desires to obtain. The idea of a Customs Union amongst the Balkan League is as gall and wormwood to the Austrian mind, and this notwithstanding the fact that at the time when King Milan was responsible for the direction of Servian affairs Austria entered into a treaty with Servia agreeing to an eventual territorial increase, but did not think it necessary then to stipulate that the Greater Servia must enter into a Customs Union with Austria.

should be checked. The Balkan League is therefore serving Italy's ends equally with our own. To base Italian policy upon friendship with Austria is building a house upon sand, and doing so in violation of the national traditions and popular sentiment. As is shown elsewhere in this number, the question of Austria's disappearance as an empire is only a question of a comparatively short time, and when it comes it must inevitably bring disaster upon any country dependent solely upon relations with Austria for her foreign policy. Whatever the actual government in Rome may intend to do, there is no question that public opinion in Italy has decided to prefer friendship with the Balkan League and the advancement of Italy's real interests to slavish subservience to the panic-stricken statesmen of Vienna. Vincenzo Morello, writing in the semi-official Tribuna, puts the Italian view very clearly when he says: "If the fait nouvelle of the Balkan League and the relative disruption of Turkey creates new situations and new responsibilities, especially for us, in view of the future, is it not useful and necessary for us to regulate our actions according to our permanent interests, independent of the momentary fortune of this or that group of Powers ?"

of all Italian statesmen, who wrote in 1871: "The Slav populations will predominate predominate over Turkey, and the Turkish Empire is doubtless condemned to dissolution dissolution before the Austrian Empire; but the fall of one will be the signal for the approaching fall of the other. The Austrian Empire is an administration, not a State; but the Turkish Empire in Europe is a foreign encampment, isolated on other people's territory, without any community of faith, of tradition, of interests or activities, non-agricultural and without administrative capacity, in times of yore surrounded by the Greeks, today by the Armenians scattered on the Bosphorus, who are hostile to the government they serve. Unyielding because of their Mussulman fanaticism, the conquering race, hemmed in and stifled by the Christian population, has not given to the world for more than a century either an idea, a poem, or an industrial discovery. And this race numbers less than 2 millions of men, who are surrounded by 13 or 14 millions of people of the European race, Slavs or Greeks, thirsting for life, aspiring to insurrection, and the only thing needed to to bring about this insurrection and convert it into rapid victory is an agreement among the three elements who to-day are still jealous about the old hatreds engendered by war and oppression. The mission of Italy is to propose and make possible the basis of this agreement.' Mazzini's prophecy has been fulfilled to-day, save that Italy did not seize her opportunity to assist in its fulfilment. It is not yet, however, too late for her to benefit by it.

The Farce of Albania.

The only comic relief in the Balkan situation has been afforded by the sudden affection displayed by Austria and Italy for the welfare of the Albanian peoples. In the past these two nations have been callously indifferent to the frightful state of anarchy existing in Albania, and have read without any interest the reports of their consuls in those regions, which show that the murder rate in Albania varies from 20 to 75 per cent. of the total death rate. That Italy should be interested in the future of Albania, and should prefer an autonomous State, even if it means the gradual disappearance of the Albanian peoples, is natural, since she must make sure of the future of the port of Valona. Austria has no such excuse, and Austria's demand for Albanian autonomy is

only in keeping with her desire to gain time at all costs, and, if possible, to leave a permanent source of trouble in the Balkan Peninsula. The argument that the Albanians are Mohammedans, and, as such, should not be handed over to the tender mercies of a Christian State-an argument curiously lacking in respect for the value of Christianityloses much of its effect from the fact that in Albania there are not only Mohammedans, but also Catholics and Orthodox tribes. They have neither the same literature nor alphabet. It is evident they cannot have an independent development. Their country, if it were to obtain autonomy, would become a theatre of rival agitation, a ground given over to the struggle of interests between Serb, Bulgar, Greek, Italian, and Austro-Hungarian States. The origins of the Albanians were principally

Servian, and many of the exclusively Servian habits and customs remain to this day in practice amongst the tribes. They have no idea of government or of authority, and resemble very closely the early condition of the clans of the Highlands of Scotland before settled conditions and established authority transformed them into an element of value to the country in which they live. The Albanian question has been raised in Vienna in order to provide an argument against the Servian outlet to the Adriatic, since it is argued that Albania, if it is to receive autonomy, must not be cut up. The Balkan Powers reply that autonomy for Albania is the worst of all solutions, but that if the removal from the north of an autonomous Albania of a small piece of land only a little larger than two small Welsh counties, and peopled by 150,000 souls, is going to spoil Albania as an independent State, then there can be small use in disturbing the peace of Europe in order to create a second Monaco or San Marino. From the point of view of international law, of course, the Albanian question is one for settlement between the Balkan League and Turkey, since there has never been any attempt to prove that Turkey is not the owner of Albania. It is probable that at Constantinople there will be much less desire to preserve Albania as an autonomous State than is shown by the kindhearted statesmen of Vienna.

Searching round wildly The Question of for some pretext or an Adriatic Port. another by which to delay the inevitable growth of Servia and the consequent internal danger to the Dual Monarchy, the Austrian authorities have seized

with avidity upon the question of a Servian outlet to the Adriatic and the possession of the port of Durazzo, overlooking altogether the fact that the question of ownership of Durazzo in no way concerned Austria, but only Turkey and Servia, since the latter has conquered her outlet to the sea, Durazzo, from Turkey and not from Austria. It is certain, also, that Turkey in the Treaty of Peace will cede to Servia the strip of coast which she desires in North Albania. To a logical mind it might seem curious to find Austria desiring to interfere between Servia and Turkey in a matter which does not apparently concern her at all. It cannot be that she desires an additional commercial port in the Adriatic, since she has many along the Dalmatian coast. Any talk at Vienna of Durazzo becoming a fortified port is, of course, nonsense, just as much as the pretence that if Servia owns this port it is merely a preliminary to its use by a Russian fleet. Had Russia desired any such ports in the Adriatic, she has long possessed them in the Montenegrin harbours. bours. We could not, of course, expect Austria to admit that, should trouble arise necessitating the presence of Russian warships in the Adriatic, these are much more likely to anchor in friendly Italian harbours than in hypothetical Servian ones. The question of the Adriatic must necessarily be of great interest to both Italy and Austria, but especially to the former. It is therefore very significant to have the opinion. of Admiral Bettolo, who occupies as unequalled a position in Italy as that of Admiral Fisher in this country, and who has held the post of Chief of the Naval Staff and Minister of the Marine :