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time the whole North-Federalists and Democratswere united against the South, which was equally unanimous. On the part of the North it was a question of sentiment, but on the part of the South it was one of material interest.

Strange to say the North and the South had changed sides on this subject as they had done on nearly all

others.

At a very early date the New England Colonies, following the example of the Mother-country,* were actively engaged in the African Slave Trade. New England ships made the voyage to England with tobacco and rice; there took in British manufactures for the Guinea Coast, which exchanging for blacks, they returned to the Southern Colonies, sold them, and reloading with tobacco and rice for Europe, as before, completed the round, voyage.

The South finding themselves inundated with a black population, began to remonstrate against its further increase. In 1777, Mr. Jefferson introduced a Bill into the Virginia Legislature which became a Law "to prevent the importation of slaves." In 1784, Mr. Jefferson

In

*In 1561, a Sir John Hawkins sailed for the Guinea Coast with English merchandise, which he exchanged for a cargo of negroes. These he carried to Hispaniola, sold for sugar and ginger, and then returned to England. Similar expeditions followed. In 1689, the British Government entered into a convention with Spain by which she agreed to provide her West India Colonies with African slaves. In 1713, the "South Sea Company" entered into a similar agreement, and furnished the Spanish Colonies with 4,800 slaves per annum for thirty years. 1760, General O'Hara, Governor of Senegambia, reported that in the previous fifty years no less than 70,000 blacks had been deported per annum from that country alone." In the development of this commerce there were three great interests that especially prospered: the manufacturers, the shippers, and the merchants. The venture of Sir John Hawkins was the commencement of the trade in African blacks, which was carried on by England with immense profits for the period of 246 years.

proposed in the Congress of the Confederation, a Bill to prohibit slavery in all the territory held by the United States, and in all that might be afterwards acquired. This did not succeed at the time, but in 1787 a Bill was passed prohibiting slavery in the territory north-west of the Ohio. In the Convention which framed the Federal Constitution, the South insisted on the abolition of the Slave Trade in the United States, which the North consented to at the expiration of nineteen years, 1808, on condition of receiving as compensation for this "thriving trade," the monopoly of the coasting trade against all foreign tonnage.

But when 1808 arrived, a complete change of opinion had occurred in the North and South relative to slavery. The invention of the cotton-gin* which increased the production of that staple, and the acquisition of Louisiana with its almost tropical soil, had greatly enhanced the demand for slave labor. Consequently, instead of a grievance, slavery had become a profit to the South, which vindicated it strongly, whilst the North on the other hand having washed its hands of all connection. with the blacks, began to take a more philanthropic view of the matter. In this reversed position affairs stood for a few years, the North merely exacting that a Free State should enter the Union for every Slave State. Accordingly, Vermont was followed by Kentucky; Tennessee by Ohio; Louisiana by Indiana; Mississippi by Illinois; Alabama by Maine.

When, however, it was proposed in Congress, as related, to admit Missouri as a Slave State in 1819, the North

* The cotton-gin, invented by Eli Whitney of Massachusetts, was an ingenious machine for separating the seed from the cotton with extreme celerity.

Then

in the person of a New York Member objected. occurred the scene alluded to in which the South fulminated threats, and the North shouted its defiance.

After the adjournment of Congress in 1819, a tremendous agitation on the slavery question broke out in the North. Public meetings were called in all the towns and villages; the Legislatures of the middle States drew up memorials to Congress; the New England States joined in the general chorus: all vociferating that it was "the right and duty of Congress to prohibit slavery in the Territories."

When Congress met, its halls rang with angry echoes, and the excited Politicians gave free vent to their sectional feelings. At last, reason in a measure recovered its sway, and a compromise was agreed on. It was settled that Missouri should be admitted to the Union as a Slave State, but for ever after slavery was to be prohibited north of 36° 30′ north latitude. This was the famous "Missouri Compromise," which for a time put an end to the slavery agitation, but as events proved it was only "scotched not killed."

Without discussing the arguments of the various orators, Northern and Southern, as to the constitutionality of slavery, or the right of Congress to interfere with it-much less stopping to consider slavery in the abstract-it is worth while to mention the taunt of the South as to the motives which had stirred up this alarming perturbation. The Southern Politicians insinuated that their rivals of the North had been beaten at the game of politics; that they had lost their hold on the National Government since the Administration of John Adams; and that in the hope of recovering it they were seeking to inflame the imagination of the people

on the subject of slavery reckless of the consequences, amongst which might be civil war and a dissolution of the Union. However this may have been, the words of the Georgia Member were indeed prophetic, that "a fire had been kindled which only seas of blood could extinguish."

The only other striking event which distinguished the Administration of President Monroe was the recognition in 1822 of the South American Colonies of Spain as independent Republics. In his Message to Congress preceding this event, he protested with moderation against the intervention of any European power in the affairs of the American Continent. He declared that "as a principle the American continents, by the free and independent position which they have assumed and maintained, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European power." This declaration has since been christened as the "Monroe Doctrine," and is often quoted.

Monroe was the last to occupy the Presidential chair of the Statesmen who figured in the Revolutionary struggle.

PRESIDENCY OF JOHN QUINCY ADAMS.

IN the Presidential election for 1824, the North presented no candidate. The Southern or Democratic party failed to unite on any candidate, and in consequence the electoral colleges gave their votes to various prominent individuals of that party. General Jackson received 99 votes; J. Q. Adams, 84; W. H. Crawford, 41; and Henry Clay, 37. As none had a majority, the election for President vested in the House of Representatives, where, in February, 1825, J. Q. Adams received the vote of 13 States; General Jackson, of 7; and W. H. Crawford, of 4. Mr. Adams was therefore, by a majority of the States, elected President.

Being convinced of the impossibility of his election, Mr. Clay had withdrawn his name from the canvass, and desired the States who were ready to support him to record their votes for Mr. Adams.

On the accession to office of President Adams, he tendered the Secretaryship of State to Mr. Clay. Upon this a loud outcry was raised by the partisans of the defeated candidates of a bargain having been made between Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay. It was baptized as the "Coalition," and led to a vast amount of personal altercation. The only thing certain was that Mr. Clay retired from the contest when he saw no chance of success, and as he preferred Mr. Adams' nomination to that of General Jackson, he naturally used his influence

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