James K. Polk, 11th president; born near Little Sugar Creek, Mecklenburg county, N. C., November 2, 1795; moved to Tennessee in 1806; lawyer; served in state legislature, 1823-25; in congress from March 4, 1825 to March 3, 1839; governor of Tennessee, 1839; elected president of the United States in 1844; declined renomination, 1848; died at Nashville, Tenn., June 15, 1849.

date of Those Who Advocate One Country! One Union! One Constitution! and One Destiny! Fremont and His Friends! Behold the Record!"

The record presented in the article consists of extreme utterances by prominent supporters of Fremont. Citation is made of the celebrated indiscretion of Banks, "I am willing in a certain state of circumstances to let it [the Union] 'slide'." The remark of the fiery Giddings, that he looked forward to the time when the torch "shall light up the towns and cities of the south, and blot out the last vestige of slavery," is instanced. Many other aggressive declarations by leading Republicans are given in support of the Democratic charge as to their indifference to consequences in the contest against slavery. Garrison, the arch-disunionist of the Abolitionists, is quoted as viewing the Republican movement with satisfaction.

As the campaign progressed, the intense enthusiasm of the radical people of the north for the Republican ticket was met by a marked disposition on the part of the more cautious to accept the Democratic view of the real danger of disunion. The coöperation given the Democratic party by eminent thinkers was certainly not comparable to that extended to the Republican party, yet was of notable weight, especially as representative of the intellectual and influential leaders of the conservative Whigs. One of the most powerful campaign documents in Buchanan's behalf was an open letter from Rufus Choate, written after mature reflection, in which the conviction was stated that the Republican movement was in its nature geographical, and

HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK

therefore that its triumph would "put the Union in danger." It was constantly alleged by Democratic newspapers and orators that for the first time in American history a great sectional party had arisen; that so extreme and exclusive was its sectionalism that by its nominations and platform it practically declared the people of the fifteen southern States its enemies; and that this hostility was fully reciprocated by the southerners and would unquestionably lead to their withdrawal from the Union in the event of Fremont's election. Fillmore, the candidate of the Know-Nothings, said: "Can we have the madness or folly to believe that our southern brethren would submit to be governed by such a Chief-Magistrate?"

But these attacks were in no way disconcerting to the Republicans. The campaign for Fremont was waged with the most complete conviction and vigor, and with a fervor of popular manifestation not witnessed since 1840. To the southern threats and northern forebodings of disunion the Republicans replied that they were not new, and were meant only to intimidate and bewilder.

On the merits of the one immediate issue, that of Kansas, conservative opinion was strengthened by the belief that a decision would soon be worked out in favor of the free settlers by the inexorable operation of economic law. Already it was considered morally certain that they were in a majority in the Territory; and in view of the tendency of free migration to move more actively, economically, and in larger volume than a slave-encumbered class interest, the ultimate over

whelming preponderance of the free-State party seemed unquestionable. There were many who felt, on other grounds than those of party prepossession, that as the Democrats were committed to fair action by the Toombs bill and also by pledges made by Buchanan during the canvass, it would be wiser to settle the difficulty by vote than by a radical policy involving the danger of southern secession.

The election, as was expected by shrewd observers, was decided by Pennsylvania, which gave its vote to the Democratic candidate. Much disappointment was felt by the Republicans over the poor showing made by Fremont in his own State of California, where he ran third. But his success in such States as New York, Ohio, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Iowa, and all New England, showed the formidable power of the conjoined forces that so recently had come into operation. In the fifteen slave States Fremont had only 1,194 votes, divided as follows: Delaware, 308; Kentucky, 314; Maryland, 281; Virginia, 291. The Know-Nothing ticket carried only one State, Maryland, but, on account of the official Whig endorsement, received support in every State. Its total vote in the south was in round numbers 480,000; in the north, 394,500.

Electoral vote for President and Vice-President:

James Buchanan and John C. Breckinridge, Democrats:-Alabama, 9; Arkansas, 4; California, 4; Delaware, 3; Florida, 3; Georgia, 10; Illinois, 11; Indiana, 13; Kentucky, 12; Louisiana, 6; Mississippi, 7; Missouri, 9; New Jersey, 7; North Carolina, 10; Pennsylvania, 27; South Carolina, 8; Tennessee, 12; Texas, 4; Virginia, 15. Total 174. Elected.