changed the geography of the world and added "Colonial Possessions" to the United States; it had liberated peoples whose existence had been slavery—but there the old hulk remained, dismantled and forbidding, a menace to navigation and refused a decent burial.

"Why don't they blow it up?" was the general comment on the ship.

"They don't want to," said the whispering critic. "It might be shown that a Spanish mine was not the cause." "Rot!' said the naval sharp. "If they blow it up they will hide the secret forever.”

"Gentlemen," said the cool observer, "it is purely a question of cash. The cost of removal would be so great that nobody wants the job. We can all agree, however, that it is disgraceful to permit the Maine to remain as she is."

The historic relic did present a melancholy appearance. One would fain look upon it without conjecture as to the bones of the brave jackies still pinned beneath its massive framework. For the credit of the nation, I, too, wished it had not been permitted to remain so long, for in addition to being a menace to shipping, it is now only a gruesome curiosity.

A short distance from the wreck the American cruiser Columbia lay peaceably at anchor. Near by was the Italian cruiser Fiera Mosca (firefly), which had been making friendly visits to American ports, and further off the German gunboat Panther. The flags of the warships were at half-mast, the significance of which I could not understand, until later it was ascertained from the officers of the Columbia that they were paying a compliment to the Italians, who lower their flag to half-mast on Good Fridays. Such, then, was the spirit prevailing between nations in Havana harbor where nine years before the Maine, on a friendly

visitation, had gone down through treachery. And in this harbor, too, where had proudly floated the flag of Spain over parapet and turret, we now beheld the tri-colored emblem of Cuba with its single star, proclaiming "Cuba libre."

Flags of Cuba! Yes, they were everywhere. We had seen them floating proudly over the Morro at Santiago; they had greeted us along the northern coast, and then at Havana from fortifications and public buildings they had burst upon us in greater profusion than the ethics of patriotism would seem to require. There was no mistaking the position of the Cuban flag. It was afloat, and anomalous, though it appeared, it was afloat by the courtesy, and under the protection of the United States. No foreign power held the Cuban people in subjection, nor threatened their flag. No Spain had come thundering against the walls of Cabana. The United States had simply stepped in to perform a service remarkable in international comity, because Cuba had failed to govern herself.

Cuba was given her liberty through the intervention of the United States, and with our help, raised her own flag as a Republic, May 20, 1902. For four years she endeavored to keep the ship of State above the waves, but the contentious patriots overwhelmed her, and on September 29, 1906, the United States resumed provisional control of the island. On that day throughout Cuba was published the proclamation of the American Secretary of War. It read:

"To the People of Cuba:

"The failure of Congress to act on the irrevocable resignation of the President of the Republic of Cuba, or to elect a successor, leaves this country without a government at a time when great disorder prevails, and requires that, pur

suant to a request of President Palma, the necessary steps be taken in the name and by the authority of the President of the United States to restore order, protect life and property in the Island of Cuba and islands and keys adjacent thereto, and for this purpose to establish therein a provisional gov

ernment.

"The provisional government hereby established by direction and in the name of the President of the United States will be maintained only long enough to restore order and peace and public confidence and then to hold such elections as may be necessary to determine those persons upon whom the permanent government of the Republic should be devolved.

"In so far as is consistent with the nature of a provisional government established under authority of the United States, this will be a Cuban government conforming, as far as may be, to the constitution of Cuba. The Cuban flag will be hoisted as usual over the government buildings of the island. All the executive departments and the provincial and municipal governments, including that of the City of Havana, will continue to be administered as under the Cuban Republic. The courts will continue to administer justice, and all laws not in their nature inapplicable by reason of the temporary and emergent character of the Government will be in force.

"President Roosevelt has been most anxious to bring about peace under the constitutional government of Cuba, and has made every endeavor to avoid the present step. Longer delay, however, would be dangerous.

"In view of the resignation of the Cabinet, until further notice the heads of all departments of the Central Government will report to me for instructions, including MajorGeneral Alejandro Rodriguez, in command of the Rural Guard and other Government forces, and General Carlos Roloff, Treasurer of Cuba.

"Until further notice, the Civil Governors and Alcaldes will also report to me for instructions.

"I ask all citizens and residents of Cuba to assist in the work of restoring order, tranquility and public confidence. "Havana, September 29, 1906.

"WM. H. TAFT, "Secretary of War of

"The United States,

"Provisional Governor of Cuba.

"Official:

"F. R. McCoy,
"Capt. 3rd Cav.,

"Aide."

The provisional government proclaimed by Mr. Taft was still on. We were, therefore, about to land in a country which floated a foreign flag, but whose every governmental function was exercised under the influence of our own beloved Stars and Stripes. And there certainly was a reason for the Stars and Stripes to be represented, even though the Cuban flag was so conspicuously in evidence, for about the time of our visit the same Secretary Taft, who had issued the proclamation previously quoted, at the War Department in Washington, was preparing some statistics, the significance of which from a humanitarian standpoint alone is probably unprecedented.

"We expended in the Cuban War upwards of $300,000,ooo," said the Secretary, “and we never have invited from Cuba the return of a single cent. We offered up in deaths and wounds and disease in that war the lives of 148 officers and over 4,100 enlisted men. We paid $20,000,000 to Spain under the Treaty of Peace. The exact consideration of this sum it may be difficult to state, but the result of the payment