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the laws now applicable thereto be executed 8. Believing that the elective franchise and and administered according to their interest an untrammeled ballot are essential to govand spirit. ernment of, for and by the people, the peo4. The telegraph, like the post office sys-ple's party condemn the wholesale system of tem, being a necessity for the transmission disfranchisement adopted in some of the of news, should be owned and operated by states as un-Republican and un-Democratic, the government in the interest of the people. and we declare it to be the duty of the sevOwnership of Lands. eral state legislatures to take such action as will secure a full, free and fair ballot and an honest count.

1. True policy demands that the national and state legislation shall be such as wil 9. While the foregoing propositions constiultimately enable every prudent and indus-tute the platform upon which our party trious citizens to secure a home, and there- stands, and for the vindication of which its fore the land should not be monopolized for organization will be maintained, we recognize speculative purposes. All lands now held that the great and pressing issue of the by railroads and other corporations in excess pending campaign upon which the present of their actual needs should by lawful means election will turn is the financial question, be reclaimed by the government and held and upon this great and specific issue befor actual settlers only and private land tween the parties we cordially invite the aid monoply, as well as alien ownership, should and co-operation of all organizations and be prohibited. citizens agreeing with us upon this vital question.

2. We condemn the land grant frauds by which the Pacific railroad companies have, through the connivance of the interior department, robbed multitudes of actual bona fide settlers of their homes and miners of their claims, and we demand legislation by congress which will enforce the exception of mineral land from such grants after as well as before the patent.

3. We demand that bona fide settlers on all public lands be granted free homes, as provided in the national homestead law, and that no exception be made in the case of Indian reservations when opened for settlement, and that all lands not now patented come under this demand.

Miscellaneous Planks.

We favor a system of direct legislation through the initiative and referendum, under proper constitutional safeguards.

1. We demand the election of President, vice president and United States senators by a direct vote of the people.

2. We tender to the patriotic people of Cuba our deepest sympathy in their heroic struggle for political freedom and independence, and we believe the time has come when the United States, the great republic of the world, should recognize that Cuba is and of right ought to be a free and independent state.

3. We favor home rule in the territories and the District of Columbia and the early admission of the territories as states.

4. All public salaries should be made to correspond to the price of labor and its products.

5. In times of great industrial depression idle labor should be employed on public works as far as practicable.

6. The arbitrary course of the courts in assuming to imprison citizens for indirect contempt and ruling them by injunction should be prevented by proper legislation.

7. We favor just pensions for our disabled Union soldiers,

Sketch of Watson's Career.

Thomas Edward Watson, Populistic nominee for vice president, is a lawyer and congressman and was born in Columbia, now McDuffie, county, Ga., September 5, 1856. He had a common school education and entered Mercer university, Macon, Ga., in 1872, as freshman, but for want of means left college at the end of the sophomore year and taught school and studied law until admitted to the bar in 1875. He began practice in Thomson, Ga., November, 1876. He has practiced law successfully since and also bought land and farmed on a large scale. He was a delegate to the Democratic state convention in 1880, state representative in 1882, Cleveland elector at large in 1888, and elected in 1890 as national representative to the Fifty-second congress. Though only 40 years of age Mr. Watson has become one of the notable men of the state. He has forged to the front both as a lawyer and a public man. In his law practice he has made a state reputation, and been engaged in celebrated cases as leading counsel. He has won state fame as an orator, and in the court room, legislative and convention halls and on the hustings is one of the most eloquent and effective speakers in the South. He is a powerful advocate before juries, full of impassioned fervor and with a diction sinewy and poetic. To his unusual graces of oratory he adds marked boldness of conviction and attractions of manner. In the state convention of 1880, an unknown young man of 24, he attracted public attention by one of the most fiery speeches of that body. His election to congress was a dashing display of ability, eloquence and popular power. Championing the farmers' principles and policies with remarkable force and fervor, he has become one of the leaders of this movement. A slender, youthful looking person, his aspect does not indicate the brain and ambition in him. He married, in 1878, Georgia Durham, and has two children.

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THOMAS E. WATSON OF GEORGIA,

Nominated by the People's Party for Vice President of the United States.

SOUND MONEY MEN'S PROTEST.

Addresses by Senator David B. Hill, of New York, and the Late ex-Governor Russell, of Massachusetts.

After giving in complete and concise form the proceedings of the Republican, Democratic and Populist conventions, it is deemed advisable to add something more as to the stand taken by the sound money men at the Chicago convention. As the financial question is to be the ruling one in the campaign the addresses of Senator Hill and the late exGovernor Russell of Massachusetts, are, therefore, given, outlining, as they do, the stand taken by the sound money men of the Democratic party in the national convention.

It was on July 9 that the fight over the financial question in the Chicago convention was at its height and it was during the debate on the platform that. Senator Hill made his plea for the cause of sound money on the floor of the convention hall. When the tumult of applause which greeted his appearance had subsided, the senior senator from New York made this address in replying to Senator Tillman of South Carolina:

"I do not propose to pursue the course of the senator from South Carolina. I will say at the outset 'I am a Democrat,' but I am not a revolutionist. It is a waste of time on the part of the senator from South Carolina to assume that the convention is ignorant of the fact that the state attempted to break up the Democratic party in 1860. But the party lives to-day and I hope it will live forever.

"My mission here to-day is to unite, not to divide; to build up, not to destroy; to plan for victory, not to plot for defeat. I know that I speak to a convention which, as now constituted, does not agree with the views of the state which I specially represent on this occasion. But I know, too, that you will hear me for my cause.

"New York makes no apology to South Carolina for her attitude. We take Our Democracy from our fathers. We do not need to learn it from the state which my friend represents. Need I remind this Democratic national convention that the great city of New York never gave a Republican majority. When other cities have failed to respond New York was the Gibraltar of Democracy.

"The question which this convention is to decide is What is the best position to take at this time on the financial question? In a word, the question presented is between international bimetallism and local bimetallism. If there are any different points in it they are not represented either in the majority or in the minority report.

"I, therefore, start out with this proposition -that the Democratic party stands to-day in favor of gold and silver as the money of the country; that it stands in favor neither of a silver standard nor of a gold standard, but that we differ as to the means to bring about

the result. Those whom I represent and for whom I speak-the sixteen minority members of the committee-insist that we should not attempt the experiment of the free and unlimited coinage of silver without the COoperation of other great nations. It is not a question of patriotism. It is not a question of courage. It is not a question of loyaltyas the majority platform speaks of it.

"The minority has thought it was simply a question as to whether we were able to enter on this experiment. It is a question of business; it is a question of finance; it is a question of economics. It is not a question which President, that the safest and best course for men, ever so brave, can solve. I think, Mr. this convention to pursue is to take the first step forward in the great cause of monetary reform by declaring in favor of international bimetallism.

"I am not here to assail the sincerity of a single man who differs with me. There are those around me who know that in every conference on this subject I have treated the silver at the ratio of 16 to 1 with respect. I friends of the free and unlimited coinage of am not here to pursue that course to-day. do not think that we can safely ignore the monetary system of other great nations. It is a question about which honest men may differ. I believe that we cannot ignore the attitude of other nations on this subject any more than we can ignore their attitude on other questions of the day. I know that it is said by enthusiastic friends that America can mark out a course for herself. I know that that idea appeals to the pride of the average American, but I beg to remind you that if that suggestion be carried out to its legitimate conclusion, you might as well do away with our international treaties and with our treaties of commerce. You might as well do away with all the provisions in your tariff law that have relation to the laws of other countries.

"What does this majority platform provide? The convention could have contented itself with the single statement that it was in favor of the remonetization of silver and placing it on an equality with gold. But instead of that, your committee has recommended in addition a platform which makes adhesion to a single ratio-16 to 1-the test of Democratic loyalty. I doubt the propriety of stating that a ratio of 15% to 1 or 17 to 1 is a heresy, and that a ratio of 16 to 1 is the only true Democratic doctrine. I see before me distinguished senators, friends of free silver, who have introduced in the senate of the United States bills for the free and unlimited coinage of silver at the ratio of 20 to 1. I beg to remind this convention that some of the candidates who are proposed for nomination-men whom I respect and whose honesty I admit-have voted time and time again in congress for other ratios than 16 to And yet you are here to nominate your candidate on a platform which limits and re

1.

SPEECH OF SENATOR DAVID B. HILL.

stricts the position of the Democracy to one single ratio. With all due respect, I think it an unwise step. I think it an unnecessary step. I think it will return to plague us in the future. I think we have too many relations with other great nations of the world for us to ignore their attitude.

"Your proposed platform says the policy of gold monometallism is a British policy. Its authors forget to tell the people of the country that it is French policy. They forget to tell the people of the country that it is a German policy. They fail to remind you that it is a Spanish policy, also. They fail to tell you that it is the policy of the whole number of governments represented in what is called the Latin union. Therefore, I think it looks a little, just a trifle, like demagogism to say that that is the policy of a single nation alone.

"Mr. President, I regret also to say that your platform contains not one single word in favor of international bimetallism. It would not have been necessarily inconsistent with the platform, but there is no declaration whatever that it is the policy of the government to attempt to bring it about. The minority platform declares expressly that it is the policy of the government to make efforts to bring bimetallism about; that it would be safer to do it; that it would be wiser to do it. We would run no risk on the great question of the finances of this republic.

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| the necessity of putting in an implied pledge that the government shall issue a greenback currency and make it a legal tender? The Democratic party is opposed to paper money. The Democratic party, since its earliest history, has been in favor of hard money. The Democratic party thinks that the best thing for us to do is to eliminate United States and treasury notes from the currency. I would like to have somebody who follows me tell what this platform means on the subject of the issue of paper money hereafter. This is an attempt, at this late day, to commit the Democratic party to the settled policy of the issue of paper money by the government. You say you want a clear and distinct platform. You have not got it upon that question. It cannot be defended successfully.

"Another suggestion, permit me to make. What was the necessity for putting into his platform other questions which have never before been made the test of Democratic loyalty? Why revive the disputed question of the policy and constitutionality of an income tax?

"Has it come to this that the followers of Samuel J. Tilden, who, during all his life, was the opponent of that iniquitous scheme, and which was used in his old age to annoy, harass and humiliate him, have forsaken that great leader? Has it been left to this convention to make as a test of party faith the propriety and constitutionality of "You think that times and conditions have an income law? Was it wise to assail the changed. We think that you cannot ignore supreme court of your country? Will some the fact of the great production of silver in one tell ine what that clause means in this this country, and that the cost of its produc- platform? If you meant what you said, and tion has fallen greatly. That is a very preg- said what you mean, let some one exnant fact-which confronts all the world-plain that provision. That provision, if it that the cost of silver production has been means anything, means that it is the duty reduced nearly one-half. If the American of congress to reconstruct the supreme court people were brave, were courageous, if they had the spirit of '76, as this platform says, would they, simply and alone, make copper the equal of gold, or make lead the equal of gold? If bravery, if courage, can produce these results then it can make any metal a money metal. But I tell you it is a question of economics, it is a question of financial ideas, it is a question of resources, and on that it is the judgment of the minority of the committee that the safest course is to take the first great step in favor of international bimetallism, and to stop there.

"I know it has been said that in some particulars this plank in the minority platform agrees with that of cur Republican friends. That may be. It will be neither any better nor any worse for that. I call attention to the fact that the planks in the majority platform on the Monroe doctrine, on Cuba, on the territories, on Alaska and on civil service are exactly like the Republican planks. Therefore, I do not think that that criticism will detract from the value of that suggestion.

of the country. It means the adding of additional members to the court, or putting some out of office, or reconstructing the whole court. I will not follow any such revolutionary step as that. Whenever before in the history of this country has devotion to an income tax been made the test of Democratic loyalty? Never! Have you not undertaken enough, my good friends, without seeking to put into this platform this unnecessary, foolish and ridiculous thing?

"What further have you done? In this platform you have declared for the first time in the history of this country that you are opposed to any life tenure whatever in office. Our Democratic fathers, whom we revere, in the establishment of this government gave our great judges a life tenure of office. What necessity is there for reviving this question? How foolish, how unnecessary! Are Democrats whose whole lives have been devoted to the service of the party, whose thoughts, whose hopes, ambitions and aspirations all lie within party lines to be driven out of the party now upon this new question of life tenure for the great judges of our federal courts? No, no. This is a revolutionary step. It is an unwise step. It is an unprecedented step in our party his

tory.

"I said, a few minutes ago, that I thought the safest course for this convention to have pursued was simply to have said that the government was resolved to enact a statute in favor of placing gold and silver alike as the currency of the country, and stop there. "No, no, my friends, this platform has not I do not think it wise to hazard everything been wisely considered. In your zeal for on a single number. I object to various pro- monetary reform you have gone out of the visions in this platform, and I think that if true path; you have turned from the true the wise, level, clear headed men of the course. In your anxiety to build up this silconvention, like the distinguished Senator ver currency you have unnecessarily put in from Arkansas, Mr. Jones, had had their this platform provisions which cannot stand way, that platform would have been different. fair discussion. Let me tell you-although What was the necessity of bringing up the getting into a discussion of the bond quesquestion of greenback circulation? What was tion probably is somewhat foreign to this

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SPEECH OF EX-GOVERNOR RUSSELL.

subject-let me tell you what would be the condition of this country to-day if the President of the United States in the discharge of his public duty had not seen fit to issue bonds to protect the credit of the nation. The Democratic party passed a tariff bill which unfortunately has not produced sufficient revenue as yet to meet the necessities of the government. There has been a deficit of about $65,000,000 a year. It is hoped that in the near future this tariff law will produce ample revenue for the support of the government, but in the meantime your greenback currency, your treasury notes, must be redeemed when presented if you would preserve the honor and credit of the nation. Where would the money have come from if your President and your Southern secretary of the treasury had not discharged their duty by the issue of bonds to save the credit of the country?

"Mr. President, there is time enough yet to retrace this false step. The burden you have imposed upon us in support of silver in this platform is all that can reasonably be borne, but in addition to that you have put upon us the question of the preservation of the public credit and have brought into it the question of the issuing of bonds, the question of the reconstruction of the supreme court of the United States, the question of the issuing of paper money and the great question of life tenure for office. It is full of incongruous and absurd provisions, which are proposed to be made the tests of true Democracy.

"I dislike the Republican party. I dislike all their tenets. I have no sympathy with their general principles, but I do think that we are here to-day making a mistake in the venture which we are about to make. Be not deceived. Do not attempt to drive, those Democrats out of the party who have grown gray in its service in order to make room for a lot of Republicans and Populists who will not vote your ticket at all. Do not attempt to trade off the vote of little New Jersey, that has never failed to give us its electoral vote, and take the experiment of some state out West that has always given its vote to the Republican ticket. I tell you that no matter who your candidate can be in this convention (with possibly one exception) your Populistic friends, upon whom you are relying for support, will nominate their own ticket and your silver forces will be divided. Mark the prediction which I make. (A voice, 'No!') Some friend says no; but who are authorized to speak for the Populists here in the Democratic convention? I saw them upon this platform the other day, many of them giving assurances of support to this or that man, who never voted a Democratic ticket during their lives and never expect to. They are the men who have proscribed Democrats all over the Union.

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"My friends, I speak more in sorrow than in anger. You know what this platform means to the East. But, bad as it may be to us, it will be more calamitous to you, if, after taking all these risks you do not win the fight. My friends, we want the Democratic party to live. We want to build it up, not to tear it down. We want the principles of Jefferson and Jackson to win. We want no greenback currency on our pledges. We wanto paper currency issued by the government. We want to stand by the principles to which we have clung during the history of the country. If we keep in the good old paths of the party we shall win, but if we depart from them we shall be lost.

Russell's Frotest.

The late ex-Governor Russell declared that the majority had not been open to argument or to reason, but that they had overridden precedents and had despoiled the sovereignity of states.

"We made our appeals to deaf ears," continued Mr. Russell, "and there is only one thing left for us to do, and that is to protest. If this convention will not listen to our protest, this country will." Mr. Russell then went on to tell of the Democratic victories in Massachusetts which nad been accomplished by Democrats who nad advocated the same principles as the Democrats of South Carolina and Illinois, and he added that in those victories no question of sectionalism had been raised, but that all had been actuated by the great principles of the party.

Mr. Russell then declared that the grand old principles of the Democratic party for which he and his friends had labored and suffered were now to be given up, and in their places radical and unprecedented measures were to be adopted. In conclusion he said:

"In these debates I have heard one false note from the commonwealth of Massachusetts. I answer him not in anger, but in sorrow, and I appeal to you, my fellow delegates, and ask, do I not speak the sentiments of my state? (Loud cries of 'Yes!') Do I speak the sentiments of my state when I say they and we utter our earnest and unflinching protest against this Democratic platform. (Cheers.) Let us, following the example of the senator from South Carolina, utter a word of prophecy. When the storm has subsided and the dark clouds of passion and prejudice have worn away, and there comes a sober second thought of the people, then the protest the minority here make will be held as the ark of the covenant of the faith, (cheers) where all Democrats will be reunited and go forth to fight for the old principles and carry them to triumphant victory."

STATE VOTES IN THE ELECTORAL COLLEGE.

Following is the vote that each state will cast in the electoral college for the next President and vice president:

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