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have stunted the artistic ambition of another, he strove for the realization of greater possibilities, and not finding it in the school of his education, bowed to external influences, German and French, and by appropriating the good, infused strength and virility into a weakened national method. Some of his works in addition to those mentioned above are: Don Carlos (1867); Falstaff (1893); and the Manzoni Requiem (1874), his single important non-operatic production. Upon the production of Falstaff the king made him Marquese of Busseto. He wished to remain a private citizen, and when appointed to the senate in 1875 he took the oath of office, but declined to serve. His fortune was considerable, and of it he devoted $200,000 to the establishment at Milan of a home for indigent musicians, and bequeathed it $100,000 more. A simple-minded man, Verdi always boasted his peasant origin-a fact which, perhaps, as much as his position of national composer, endeared him to the Italian heart, for he was beloved of the people, and his death was deemed a national bereavement. To the opera in general he left valuable contributions, but to the Italian opera the invaluable legacy of an invigorated new-born style.

VERMONT, a New England State of the United States, has an area of 9,565 square miles. The capital is Montpelier. Vermont was admitted to the Union March 4, 1791. The population in 1900 was 343,641, while in June, 1901, as estimated by the government actuary, it was 345,000. The largest cities are Burlington, with 18,640, and Rutland, with 11,499 inhabitants in 1900.

Finance. The receipts of the State treasury for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1901, were $1,166,808.80, and the expenditures were $1,182,410.07. In connection with the previous surplus, there remained in the treasury at the end of the year $101,559.93. The ledger liabilities of the State at the end of the year were $149,302.28, of which $135,500 were bonded. During the year $100,000 were added to the State debt as a temporary loan. The State tax rate for the year was $1.75 per $1,000 of value, and the total value of property in the State as returned for taxation was $177,243,622. Industries.-The census reports of 1900 show a remarkable growth in the manufacturing interests of Vermont since 1850, as compared with the small increase of population. In that time the population advanced from 314,120 to 343,641, or 9.4 per cent., while the average number of industrial wage-earners increased from 8,445 to 29,445, or 248.8 per cent., embracing in 1900, 8.6 per cent. of the total population. In the latter year, the amount of actual capital, exclusive of capital stock, invested in the 4,071 plants reporting, was $48,547,964, the gross value of the products, $57,646,715, and the net value, exclusive of products re-used in the process of manufacture, $40,783,200. Vermont's most important manufactures depend upon her natural resources, forests and quarries, and upon the large production of milk; one of her most important industries, the factory manufacturer of cheese, butter, and condensed milk, owes its existence to the latter factor. The product in 1900 was valued at $5,656,265, an advance of 252.9 per cent. since 1890. Other industries report products in 1900 valued as follows: Flour and grist mills, $3,222,347; wool manufactures, $2,822,646; foundries and machine shops, $2,185,510; hosiery and knit goods, $1,834,685.

Forests and Forest Products.-The manufacture of lumber and timber products is the most important industry in the State. The value of the output in 1900 was $6,131,808, as against $6,958,674 in 1890. Allied to this industry is the making of planing-mill products, valued in 1900 at $2,598,581, an advance of 39.1 per cent. since 1890. Pine and oak are the most important woods cut. Burlington formerly ranked third among the lumber markets of the country; but the establishment of all-rail connections from Canadian mills to the Boston markets, permitting winter shipments and avoiding reshipment, has caused a decline in the trade. Connected with the lumber trade is the making of wood pulp and paper. This industry is located largely at Bellows Falls, on the Connecticut River, and is favored by unfailing water power and adjacent forests. The products in 1900 were valued at $3,384,773, an increase in value of 38.2 per cent. since 1890.

Quarrying.-Several industries owe their existence to the extensive granite, marble, and slate quarries of Vermont. The manufacture of monuments and tombstones is the third industry in importance in the State, the value of the product in 1900 being $4,045,611, an increase of 171.1 per cent. since 1890. For marble and stone work, the figure in 1900 was $2,484,551, an increase of 50 per cent. since 1890. A large proportion of the marble used in the United States is obtained from Vermont. The quarrying of slate in southwestern Vermont has given rise to the making of roofing and roofing materials. The product in 1900 was valued at $907,744.

State Officers.-Governor, William W. Stickney, Republican, term two years, expiring October 2, 1902; lieutenant-governor, Martin F. Allen; secretary of state, Fred. A. Howland; treasurer, John L. Bacon; auditor, Orion M. Barber; superintendent of education, Walter E. Ranger. Supreme Court.-Chief justice, Russell S. Taft; associate justices, John W. Rowell, James M. Tyler, Loveland Munson, Henry R. Start, John H. Watson, and Wendell P. Stafford-all Republicans.

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Congressional Representatives (57th Congress).—In the House: D. J. Foster, from Burlington; and Kittridge Haskins, from Brattleboro-both Republicans. In the Senate: William P. Dillingham (until 1903), from Waterbury; and Redfield Proctor (until 1905), from Proctor-both Republicans.

VICTORIA, a state of the Commonwealth of Australia, with an area of 87,884 square miles. The population, according to the census of 1901, was 1,195,874, as against 1,140,405 in 1891, showing an increase of less than 5 per cent. for the decade, as compared with over 32 per cent. for the preceding decade. The capital is Melbourne, with a population (including suburbs) of 493,956 in 1901. Instruction is mostly secular and compulsory. The number of state schools in 1899 was 1,892, with a total enrollment of 239,732, and of private primary schools about 950, with an attendance of over 44,000.

Government and Finance.-The executive authority is vested in a governor appointed by the crown and assisted by a ministry of 10 members, and the legislative power devolves upon a council and an assembly. The revenue for 1901 amounted to £8,087,265, of which £360,102 was retained by the central government. Among the items of expenditure were old-age pensions to the amount of £225,000. The budget for 1902 gives the revenue as £6,963,200 and the expenditure as £7,192,313. The public debt on June 30, 1900, amounted to £48,774,885.

Industries, Commerce, etc.-The total area under cultivation in 1901 was 3,924,898 acres, of which over 2,000,000 acres were under oats. The principal crops for 1900 were: Wheat, over 15,000,000 bushels; oats, over 6,000,000 bushels; and barley, about 1,500,000 bushels. The live stock comprised in 1899-1900 over 12,000,000 sheep and over 465,000 milch cows. The gold output for 1900 amounted to 807,407 ounces, and the other minerals produced during the year had an estimated value of £5,296,154. The exports in 1900 amounted to £17,422,552 (£18,569,780 in 1899), and consisted chiefly of wool, £4,217,018; butter, £1,489,935; wheat, flour, and biscuit, £1,151,629; and live stock, £705,619. The imports in 1900 amounted to £18,301,811 (£17,952,894 in 1899). The imports from Great Britain amounted to £5,680,415, and the exports to Great Britain £7,338,491. The railway lines, which are all owned by the government, had at the end of 1900 a total length of 3,218 miles. The capital cost of the lines up to the end of the fiscal year 1900 was £39,658,819, and the net revenue for that year £1,217,861. The telegraph lines had in 1900 a total length of 6,772 miles. History-Victoria, which with the possible exception of New South Wales and New Zealand, has carried socialistic legislation to a greater extreme than any other Australasian state, experienced considerable difficulty with two of its experiments during 1901. Early in the year it was discovered that the Factories Act, which provided wages boards for the hearing of labor disputes, was increasing instead of diminishing the number of the unemployed and intensifying the existing feeling of hostility between laborers and employers. In July it became evident that the OldAge Pension Act, which Sir George Turner had rushed through the Victoria parliament in the closing days of December, 1900, and which had gone into effect on January 1, 1901, was being abused to such an extent to affect seriously the finances of the state. Even the framers of the Factories Act were forced to acknowledge that it had not worked completely to their satisfaction, and it was universally recognized that the inherent difficulties in its enforcement would be enormously augmented when federation should become complete and all tariff and trade barriers between the several states be removed. A high tariff was the indispensable accompaniment of such a law, and inter-state free trade would mean either that Victoria's industries must meet competition with destructive effect, or that a federal act must provide all states alike with wages boards and compulsory holidays. The act has established in Victoria what one of its critics has called "industrial militarism." The wages boards, being largely selected and controlled by the labor unions, have been generally partial to the laborer, and, in industries where the margin of profits is narrow, the system has been fatal. Thus it has practically closed every tannery in Victoria. In defense of the act its supporters hold that an industry that cannot afford to pay a fair wage ought not to exist. The law was intended to increase employment, but as far as old men and boys are concerned it has increased the number of the unemployed. It was intended to abolish "sweating," but it really increases it by driving out of the factories men who cannot earn the minimum wage and by causing an increase in individual and house labor, in which the hours are longer and the pay smaller. The system practically enables employees to determine their own wages, and gives them the advantages of partnership, without the risks, in the industry in which they labor. On the other hand, as a result of the wages boards it is estimated that in six trades alone the volume of wages paid has increased by £123,450. The act, however, will expire on May 1, 1902, and in view of federal legislation on the same subject it is not likely to be reenacted.

The Old-Age Pension Act, which went into effect on January 1, 1901, was a legacy of the premiership of Sir George Turner, who resigned to accept the portfolio of

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finance in the first federal ministry, and was succeeded on January 19, by Hon. A. J. Peacock, as premier. Sir George Turner had estimated that there would be 6,000 applicants for pensions the first year, and the expenditure for the first six months would be approximately £75,000. But, as Mr. Peacock admitted in laying the matter before parliament in July, 1901, this was a "remarkable example of mistaken calculations," for both the number of pensioners and the expenditure were nearly double the original estimates. The defects in the act were the size of the pension-10s. a week instead of 7s, as in New Zealand-and the ease and secrecy with which pensions were allowed, which led many to accept aid who would not have done so had there been more publicity in the matter. Mr. Peacock asked parliament to reduce the amount from 10s. to 7s., declaring that the state could not afford to expend £300,000 a year for pensions. There was opposition to the reduction, while the ministry threatened to resign if the change were not made. On November 7 the ministry was defeated in the assembly by one vote on the question of reduction, but did not carry out its threat, a compromise being soon after effected at 8s. The law had had the effect of emptying every poorhouse and old-age sanitarium in the state, and had induced a large influx of old people above the age of 65 from other states. The government showed an inability to secure the reforms in the constitution providing, among other things, for the reduction of the size of parliament, which had been outlined as one of its measures at the opening of the session, and in December, 1901, the opposition moved a vote of lack of confidence for "general administrative weakness.' The government, however, was sustained, largely, it is said, through the personal popularity of Mr. Peacock, the premier, one of the ablest of the younger statesmen of the Commonwealth. A state colliery and iron rolling-mill is being constructed and will be operated by the government when completed.

VICTORIA, queen of Great Britain and Ireland, and empress of India, died at Osborne House, Isle of Wight, on January 22, 1901. She was born in Kensington Palace, London, May 24, 1819, and was the only child of Edward, Duke of Kent, the fourth son of George III., and Princess Victoria Maria Louisa of Coburg, sister of Prince Leopold, afterward king of the Belgians. At the time of her birth there seemed slight prospect of her ever ascending the throne, for the Duke of York and the Duke of Clarence, older brothers of the Duke of Kent, were still alive, and there were other apparent possibilities of hindrance. But the Duke of Kent died in 1820, the Duke of York, afterward George IV., died without issue in 1830, and as the two daughters of the Duke of Clarence had died in early infancy, Victoria became the heir-apparent when he succeeded his brother as William IV. Deprived by her father's death of the chance of any considerable income, as royal incomes go, the princess was trained in the principles of economy, much as any English girl of ordinary birth might have been. Until her tenth year her entire instruction had been in German, received from a Miss Lehzen, whom George IV. made a baroness of Hanover; but when it seemed probable that Victoria would succeed to the throne, her mother, though thoroughly German at heart and as thoroughly unsympathetic with English politics, nevertheless personally supervised her instruction in the duties devolving upon a queen, and brought her to her majority entirely unhampered by political bias.

On June 21, 1837, Victoria was proclaimed queen. From the time of George I. the king of Great Britain had also been king of Hanover; but since women were excluded from the Hanoverian crown, upon the death of William IV., his brother, the Duke of Cumberland, became king of that state-a division of rule that was much relished by Englishmen, who had regarded with disfavor this double sovereignty in the fear that their country might be embroiled in the dissensions of the German states. Lord Melbourne was prime minister at the time of Victoria's accession and to his kindly instruction in the intricacies of court and government procedure was due the affection the queen ever afterward displayed toward him. Her reign opened inauspiciously. The winter of 1837-38 was one of unusual distress and poverty for the working people, and the supposed ascendancy of a frivolous and aristocratic minister over the queen's mind gave an edge to their sufferings and complaints. The Chartist movement, dating from 1832, owed its great strength to this feeling of discontent. A conference between six members of the House of Commons and representatives from the Workingmen's Association was held in 1838, and what was called The People's Charter was formulated. The specific reforms it demanded were: (1) Annual parliaments; (2) universal suffrage; (3) voting by written ballot; (4) the removal of property qualifications for a seat in Parliament; (5) salaries for members of Parliament; and (6) the reapportionment of electoral districts according to population. Riotous demonstrations were frequent and menaced the safety of the state. In the fall of 1837 an insurrection broke out in Canada, and the Earl of Durham, a Whig, appointed for its suppression, tendered his resignation in a letter expressing his impotence to execute his commission and attacking the government. The year 1838 also saw the beginning of active agitation for the repeal

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of the laws imposing a duty on the importation of grain and the founding for this purpose of the Anti-Corn Law League. The "Bedchamber Plot" came before the public attention in 1839. The Whig ministry having resigned as the result of a virtual defeat in Parliament, Sir Robert Peel, a Tory, was asked to form a cabinet. His conditional consent stipulated that the mistress of the robes and the ladies of the bedchamber who held their places by Whig appointment, be removed. This the queen, acting under the advice of Melbourne, flatly refused to allow, and by so doing added to the demonstrations of disloyalty then prevalent. It was undoubtedly a mistake, for some of the members of the household were related to some of Peel's most eager political enemies, and he could not be expected to assume the premiership under such conditions.

This existence of public discontent and the consequently waning prestige of the Whigs, with whose principles her sympathies were known to lie, coming as they did at the very outset of her reign, were the cause of great solicitude and worry on the part of the queen. Her coronation (1838) had been the occasion for a display of loyalty such as is rare even at ceremonies of that nature. Yet, within two years, the popular sentiment had become one of distrust, not so much of the sovereign, as of her advisers. The queen heard the accusation that the court was dominated by her mother, and saw the growing aversion of her ministers to the duchess, a state of affairs that hastened her marriage. Albert, son of Ernest, Duke of Saxe-CoburgGotha, a cousin of the queen, and of about the same age (born August 26, 1819), had been brought to England to visit the Princess Victoria in 1836, and although there were numerous other seekers for her hand, it was understood from that time that she favored his suit. When she convened Parliament in January, 1840, she announced her intention to marry Albert, and the wedding took place on February 10 in the chapel of St. James's Palace. The prince consort by his union with the queen of England stepped at once into a difficult position in the nation. When the betrothal was announced the inherent English aversion to German nobility found ready expression, and the prevalent suspicion that this particular noble was a Roman Catholic was not allayed as it might have been by a positive statement to the contrary. In this the Established Church saw its supremacy endangered. The knowledge that the prince had never interested himself in the affairs of his own state, moreover, made it unlikely that he would become thoroughly intimate with British institutions, and this fear chilled the enthusiasm of another portion of the people. The Melbourne ministry had come into disfavor through its halting and obsequious policy. The Tories were steadily gaining strength, and the Duke of Wellington, the people's idol, rising above mere party divisions, opposed the ministry, a fact which alone aroused a questioning attitude concerning all the official and unofficial acts of the government. The popular sentiment thus directed by insufficient and perhaps unjustifiable causes, contrived to sadden what was otherwise the happiest period of the queen's life. It may be said that Albert's worth was never fully known until after his death. While his life as a husband was recognized as faultless and his beneficial influence over the acts of the queen was known to deserve credit, the first prejudices were never entirely removed. Parliament practiced economy in fixing his allowance, and denied him the status of citizenship. Public opinion censured him for not taking active part in affairs of state, yet consistently resented his so-called "interference" with the government. There was always an undertone of dissent in the popular regard for him, and the considerable service he rendered to English science and art was temporarily obscured. Another condition that sustained this mixed feeling for the prince, was the presence in London for a part of each year between 1840 and 1856, of Baron Stockmar. From the time when he had first visited England to assist in the arrangement of the details of the royal wedding, he was considered the prince's mentor, so that the saying arose that "the prince ruled the queen and Stockmar ruled the prince."

Immediately after her marriage the queen entered upon the close application to state business that forms a distinguishing feature of her reign. The Melbourne ministry fell in 1841, as a result of its lack of initiative, and Peel came into power. In the remembrance of his activity in the "Bedchamber Plot" and the violent part he had taken in relation to the prince consort's place in public affairs, it was embarrassing both to the queen and to him to meet as sovereign and premier. In his pompous mannerisms, she missed the gracious suavity of Lord Melbourne, but before long a perfectly friendly understanding was established between them. The principal feature of Peel's administration was the continued agitation for the repeal of the Corn Laws. Crop failures in 1845 and the high price of grain rendered critical the condition of the poor, and Peel, responding to their incessant clamor for repeal, suddenly announced his conversion to the side of the Anti-Corn Law League, whose doctrines he had hitherto bitterly opposed. A split in the ministry resulted from this announcement, and Peel resigned. Lord John Russell (Whig), undertook to form a new cabinet, but failed, and Peel resumed office. In June, 1846, his party passed a

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