The third, was a petition signed by the officers of the various labor organizations, and presented to Congress early in 1895. I give below the abstract of it circulated by the Populist committee:

Labor Petition.

In view of the general distress now prevailing throughout our country, which has existed for so many years, and which will continue until remedial legislation is enacted-and all this occurring, too, at a time when our granaries are full to repletion, and when, in the natural order of things, our producers and toilers should be enjoying to the full the fruits of their hard and conscientious labors-it seems to us that the time has come for united action on the part of those who create the wealth of the country.

The respective demands and platforms of principles of our several organizations set forth our opinions as to the causes that have brought about this condition of things. Inasmuch as the leading representatives and friends of all our organizations have placed one of the causes of the tribulations of our beloved Republic to the departure of our Government from the wise bimetallic policy of Washington, Jefferson, and Hamilton, and the substitution therefor of the present monometallic policy recommended by European money owners, and advocated by their American allies, we, the undersigned officers of industrial, agricultural, and commercial organizations, have thought it best, at this particular time, to submit for your careful consideration a synopsis of the legislation, respecting the precious metals, enacted in this country since the foundation of this Government, that you may judge for yourselves as to what portion of such legislation was enacted in the interest of the producing and what in the interest of the non-producing classes, and as to whether or not the shrewd manipulators of our finances foresaw that the result of their work would be to largely help in the subjugation of the people.

Was such legislation just? Was it honest? Does it not necessarily follow that demoralization of the food-producing sections of the country, through failure to procure reasonable prices for their products, causes the manufacturing sections to accumulate excessive stocks, and that, in consequence of a poor market, hundreds of thousands of operatives are thrown out of employment, thus robbing them of the power, even at the low prices, to purchase the necessaries of life?

Again, is it not obvious to every one that the striking down of one-half the world's volume of money makes the remaining half a comparatively easy matter for capitalists to control and manipulate, and that toilers, to obtain money for the purchase of their food supplies, are placed entirely at the mercy of the foreign and American money-sharks, who, by contracting the currency, can force a panic or famine in money at their supreme will?

Would they be guilty of such a crime? We only say in reply, look at our present helpless condition. Does it not seem to you, in the light of the fact here given, that, where in the midst of plenty there is wide-spread suffering and unhappiness, there is considerable meat in the refrain from Wall street: "Dig on, ye toilers, dig; the legislative button that we press will do the rest!"

Now, the question is: What do the tens of millions of victims in this country, to the diabolical gold standard policy of Lombard and Wall streets, propose doing about it? Submit to subjugation, or demand in no uncertain tones the immediate restoration of silver as standard money? No! they will no longer submit to such injustice! And therefore we earnestly recommend the adoption of the following resolution:

"We demand of the present Congress the immediate return to the money of the Constitution as established by our fathers, by restoring the free and unlimited coinage of both gold and silver at the present ratio of 16 to 1, the coins of both metals to be equally full legal tender for all debts, public and private, as before the fraudulent demonetization of silver in 1873.

"We also condemn the increase of the national debt in time of peace, and the use of interest bearing bonds at any time." Signed:

J. R. Sovereign,

General Master Workman, Knights of Labor.
Jno. W. Hayes,

General Secretary and Treasurer, Knights of Labor.

Samuel Gompers,

President of the American Federation of Labor.

Marion Butler,

President of the National Farmers' Alliance and Industrial Union.

H. H. Trenor,

Gen'l President, United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners of America. P. J. McGuire,

Gen'l Secretary, United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners of America.
P. M. Arthur,

Grand Chief of the United Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers.
C. A. Robinson,

President of the Farmers' Mutual Benefit Association.
Frank P. Sargent,

Grand Master of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen.

F. W. Arnold,

Grand Secretary and Treasurer of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen.

John McBride,

President of the United Mine Workers of America.

CHAPTER VII.

TH

THE REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION.

HE Republican National Committee fixed July 16, 1896, as the day for the National Convention. The contest over the money question was largely lost sight of in the contest over the Presidential nomination. Except in a few Western States the State Conventions adopted platforms which, in varying language, declared against the free coinage of silver. In a few cases they reaffirmed the Republican platform of 1892. Several of the Eastern States were quite pronounced for gold; the New York Convention made its platform to fit New York's presidential candidate, Governor Morton, and, besides speaking for gold, suggested that the people would prefer a business administration conducted by business men in behalf of the business interests of the country. In several States the conventions not only denounced free coinage, but condemned the agitation of the question. Some time before the convention convened it became evident that Mr. McKinley would have a majority on the first ballot, and the convention was, therefore, not as exciting as it might have been with a more even contest between the leading candidates.

When the convention met, Hon. Charles W. Fairbanks of Indiana was made temporary chairman, and Senator Thurston of Nebraska permanent chairman.

The exact phraseology of the money plank of the platform was the only important matter in dispute. The Eastern Republicans wanted the platform to read as strongly as possible for gold; the Western Republicans were anxious to secure a free-coinage plank, and some of the Republicans in the Central States preferred a platform which would mean gold without using the word. One western delegate explained the position of the neutrals by saying that the people had an unreasonable prejudice against the word gold, and that it should be left out and some word substituted which had the same meaning but did not sound so harsh.

Senator Henry M. Teller of Colorado led the fight for free coinage and was ably seconded by Senators Fred T. Dubois of Idaho, R. F. Pettigrew of South Dakota, Frank Cannon of Utah and Lee Mantle

of Montana, and Congressmen Charles S. Hartman of Montana, John F. Shafroth of Colorado, Clarence E. Allen of Utah, and others.

The money plank of the platform reported by a majority of the committee was as follows:

Money Plank of the Republican Platform.

It caused the

The Republican party is unreservedly for sound money. enactment of the law providing for the resumption of specie payments in 1879; since then every dollar has been as good as gold.

We are unalterably opposed to every measure calculated to debase our currency or impair the credit of our country. We are, therefore, opposed to the free coinage of silver except by international agreement with the leading commercial nations of the world, which we pledge ourselves to promote, and until such agreement can be obtained the existing gold standard must be preserved. All our silver and paper currency must be maintained at parity with gold, and we favor all measures designed to maintain inviolably the obligations of the United States and all our money, whether coin or paper, at the present standard, the standard of the most enlightened nations of the earth. Senator Teller, on behalf of the minority, submitted

The Money Plank Desired by Silver Republicans.

We, the undersigned members of the Committee on Resolutions, being unable to agree with a portion of the majority report which treats on the subject of coinage and finance, respectfully submit the following paragraph as a substitute therefor: "The Republican party authorizes the use of both gold and silver as an equal standard money, and pledges its power to secure the free and unlimited coinage of gold and silver at our mints at the ratio of 16 parts of silver to 1 of gold."

Senator Teller then addressed the convention in support of the substitute. It was an impressive scene-a scene not to be forgotten by any one who witnessed it. He was deeply moved and his earnestness made even his opponents anxious to catch each word. He realized that nothing he could say would affect the action of the convention; he realized that for the present he was bidding farewell to the Republican party. He had been identified with that party from its birth, had received distinguished honors at its hands, had faithfully defended its principles and its policies, and he spoke like one whose heart was almost broken at the thought of separation from his political associates.

While the delegates were almost unanimously against the course which he advocated, they offered but little interruption, and that was at once checked by Chairman Thurston. It is only fair to say, in this connection, that the majority, while at all times maintaining control of the convention, treated the Silver Republicans with all the courtesy

and consideration which could have been asked, and Senator Thurston, as the presiding officer, was eminently fair and impartial in his rulings.

I reproduce in full the speech of Senator Teller; it deserves to be preserved for succeeding generations:

Senator Teller's Farewell Address.

Gentlemen of the Convention: I will not attempt to inflict upon you a discussion of the great financial question which is dividing the people, not only of this country, but of the whole world. The few moments allotted to me by the convention will not enable me to more than state in the briefest possible manner our objections to the financial plank proposed for your consideration. I am a practical man, and I recognize the conditions existing in this convention, foreshadowed, as they were, by the action of the committee selected by the representatives assembled from the different States.

This plank, or this proposition, was presented to the whole committee and by it rejected. Loyalty to my own opinion, consideration for the great interest that is felt in this country compel me, in the face of unusual difficulties, to present this substitute for your consideration, not with that bounding hope or with that assurance that I have felt in presenting similar propositions in other bodies where I have met with greater measure of success than I can hope for here. The great and supreme importance of this question is alone my excuse now for the few words that I shall say to you.

In a public capacity, I have dealt with this subject now for twenty years. I represent a State that produces silver, but I want to say to you here and now that my advocacy of the proposition is not in the slightest degree influenced or controlled by that fact.

I contend for it because I believe there can be no proper financial system in any country in the world that does not recognize this principle of bimetallism. I contend for it because, since 1873, when it was ruthlessly stricken from our statutes, there has been a continued depreciation of all the products of human labor and human energy.

I contend for it because in this year of 1896 the American people are in greater distress than they ever were in their history.

I contend for it because our present financial system is, in my judgment, the great weight, the great incubus, that has weighed down enterprise and destroyed progress in this favored land of ours.

I contend for it because I believe the progress of my country is dependent on it.

I contend for it because I believe the civilization of the world is to be determined by the rightful or wrongful solution of this financial question.

I am tolerant of those who differ from me. I act from my judgment, enlightened as best I have been able to enlighten it by many years of study and of thought. In my judgment the American people in the whole line of their history have never been called upon to settle a question of greater importance to them than this question of the currency. The great contest in which many of you participated which was to determine whether we should have two flags