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At the last mentioned place a large number had assembled at the depot. In introducing me, Mr. Bland said:

Mr. Bland's Introduction.

I served with Mr. Bryan four years in the House of Representatives, and know him thoroughly. I know his heart is with the people in this fight and I repeat now, what I have said on other occasions today, that if I had been the one to select the leader in this great contest, I would have selected my friend, the Hon. William J. Bryan.

This meeting gave me an opportunity to speak a word in behalf of Mr. Bland, who had announced himself as a candidate for Congress.

Jefferson City Speech.

I have just been wondering whether I could find in all this country a combination of circumstances which would make a speech so pleasant. I am in a city named for the greatest Democrat who ever lived, Thomas Jefferson; in the Congressional District of one of the most gallant leaders that the Democracy has ever known, Richard P. Bland; in a State presided over by one of the most courageous defenders of the interests of the common people that any State ever had, Governor William J. Stone, and, to leave nothing more to be desired, I am in a city whose Mayor is named Silver. Now can you think of any combination that beats that? Thomas Jefferson, Dick Bland, Bill Stone and Mayor Silver I feel at home here.

My friends, I am glad to learn that there is no opposition in the Democratic party to the nomination of Mr. Bland for Congress. We need him there, and if it is not to be his privilege to sign a bill which will restore silver to its ancient place by the side of gold, it may be his higher honor to introduce and give his name to a bill which, when it becomes a law, will open the mints of the United States to the free and unlimited coinage of gold and silver at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1.

Before reaching Kansas City we were met by a reception committee, and upon arrival were escorted to the Coates House. After a very pleasant dinner with some of the prominent advocates of bimetallism, the evening was occupied with a short speech to the people who had assembled in front of the hotel and a reception in the corridors of the hotel. Leaving the next morning, we found an enthusiastic throng at St. Joseph and similar gatherings along the line.

We entered Nebraska at Rulo, a little village situated in the southeast corner of the State. As the train left the bridge, a salute was fired by the Rulo Gun Club, and this gave one of the eastern newspaper correspondents an opportunity to inquire whether it was a reception or a holdup. The entire population seemed to be out; the depot was decorated and the town was in holiday attire. This reception was especially gratifying because we were now among the constituents to whose generous confidence I am indebted for two terms

of Congressional life. At Falls City and Tecumseh still larger numbers had gathered. At Table Rock we were met by a reception committee from Lincoln. This committee was composed of men and women of all parties. Although the weather was threatening, the people of Lincoln were present at the depot to welcome us, and from the train to our home the noise was deafening. The day's demonstration was concluded with a parade, a speech from the balcony of the capitol and a reception within. As the mayor and many prominent Republicans took part in this reception, I was careful to avoid political issues. I said in part:

Lincoln Speech.

I am proud tonight to be able to say of those who are assembled here: These are our neighbors. I beg to express to Republicans, Democrats, Populists, Prohibitionists-to all of all parties, the gratitude which we feel for this magnificent demonstration. I say wè, because she who has shared my struggles deserves her full share of all the honors that may come to me.

This scene tonight recalls the day, nine years ago this month, when, by accident, rather than design, I first set foot within the limits of the city of Lincoln. I remember the day because I fell in love with the city, and then resolved to make it my future home. I came among you as a stranger in a strange land, and no people have ever treated a stranger more kindly than you have treated me. I desire to express tonight our grateful appreciation of all the kindness that you have shown us, and to give you the assurance that if, by the suffrages of my countrymen, I am called to occupy, for a short space of time, the most honorable place in the gift of the people, I shall return to you. This shall be my home, and when earthly honors have passed away I shall mingle my ashes with the dust of our beloved State. This is no political gathering. I see here the faces of those who do not stand with me on the issues of the day; but I am glad that love can leap across party lines and bind in holy friendship those whose judgments dwell apart.

I thank the Mayor of this city for the charity which he has shown today. I thank those of all parties who are willing for a moment to forget political differences and join in celebrating the fact that at last a Presidential nomination has crossed the Missouri river.

Mileage on First Trip.

....

... 6

68

28

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66

From Chicago to Odin, Ill., over Illinois Central Ry.......240 miles
From Odin to Salem, Ill., over B. & O. S. W. Ry..
From Salem to Centralia and return...
From Salem to St. Louis, Mo., over B. & O. S. W. Ry..... 70
From St. Louis to Kansas City, Mo., over M. P. Ry.. ..288
From Kansas City to Lincoln, Neb., over Burlington Ry....198

Total number miles traveled first trip....

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.830 miles

CHAPTER XIV.

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THE SILVER PARTY CONVENTION.

N July 22, 1896, the National Silver Party Convention met at St. Louis in pursuance of the call issued by the Bimetallic Union. Congressman Francis G. Newlands, of Nevada, was chosen temporary chairman. For many years he has been an active champion of bimetallism and has delivered several very strong speeches in support of the doctrine. Upon taking the chair he said:

Mr. Newlands' Speech.

Gentlemen of the Convention: In January last a conference of the leading bimetallists of the country was held at Washington. The expectation at that time was that both the Democratic and Republican parties would, at the coming national conventions, either declare for the gold standard, or would seek to deceive the voters by evasive platforms, and anticipating this the purpose of the conference was to inaugurate a new political movement for the unification of the silver fortes of the country regardless of former political affiliations. A national convention was called, and as the result of the organization which has since taken place in almost all the States of the Union, the National Silver party meets today to determine what course will best advance the cause which we have at heart.

The conventions of the old parties have been held, and have made public declaration of their principles. The Republican party has declared for the gold standard. Practically this means gold monometallism, the system of finance inaugurated by Harrison and continued by Cleveland. Silver is denied its time-honored use as redemption money, and has become simply the material upon which is stamped a good promise, and so our greenbacks, our Treasury notes and silver certificates, instead of being money, have been turned into a gold debt, and the primary money of the country is confined to the limited amount of gold approximating $500,000,000, which an adverse balance of trade is constantly depleting with all the attendant evils of continuing bond issues. The Democratic party has declared for the free and unlimited coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1 without waiting for international action. Whilst it has made other declarations in its platform, it has announced that the silver question is the paramount issue of the day, and that to it all other questions are to be subordinated. It has nominated a candidate of unimpeachable character, of exalted ability, of inflexible integrity, of high purpose, who has never faltered for a moment in his devotion to the cause of bimetallism. Firm, but not headstrong; confident, but not self-sufficient; near to the people, but not demagogic; determined for reform, yet without a single incendiary speech or private utterance to mar his record; possessing a happy combination of the oratorical

and logical qualities; young, courageous, and enthusiastic, yet deliberate and wise he stands as the ideal candidate of a movement, which, though termed a movement for reform, really means a return to the wise conservatism of our fathers.

The issue has been presented by a party which has been recently discredited before the country by the financial and industrial disturbances which it has created through the repeal of the Sherman act, and by threatening and actual tariff legislation. Dragged into financial agitation by the determined will of an executive whom it has since repudiated, it proposes not merely to reverse legislation already enacted, but to go further and to declare for the free and unlimited coinage of silver; and besides it proposes to guarantee the country against further industrial disturbances and any agitation for further changes in the tariff law, except such as are necessary to make up the deficit of revenue. This latter announcement is particularly gratifying to many of us who believe that the silver question and moderate protection are twin issues; that the former means protection to the American farmer against the disastrous competition of silver countries; that the latter means protection to the American manufacturer and his employes against the disastrous competition of cheap foreign labor, and that it is only by the union of productive forces of the country, whether in the field or in the factory, for mutual protection that the remorseless power of monetary contraction can be stayed. While it would have been wiser to confine the Democratic platform to issues concerning which bimetallists would not differ, thus securing the complete unification of all the silver forces, yet a simple question is presented to sincere bimetallists throughout the country, and that is whether they will permit differences as to non-essential issues to divide them-thus insuring the defeat of the common cause-or whether, preserving their independence of conviction and action as to nonessentials, they shall accept the brilliant leader whom the Democratic party has named, and, uniting all the silver forces wherever organized into one invincible army, march to victory in November next. I apprehend that the singleness of purpose which has thus far characterized this organization will be apparent in our deliberations here, and that its action will be inspired by the highest patriotism and by an earnest desire for the advancement of the great cause which means so much to humanity.

And now, gentlemen, before entering upon the consideration of the platforms of the respective parties, let me correct a misapprehension indulged in so largely by the Eastern press as to the purpose of this movement. It is not intended to pay debts with 50-cent dollars or to drive away gold or to debase our currency. Our purpose simply is, by increasing the coinage and use of silver, and by giving it equal privileges with gold, to raise its value, and by diminishing the strain on gold which gold monometallism has caused, to take away its unjust appreciation, and thus by putting up the value of silver and pulling down the value of gold to restore the old ratio, so that sixteen ounces of silver will be worth (in bullion as well as in coin) one ounce of gold. Thus the gold unit of value-the dollar-based on both metals instead of one, will be restored, and we shall have a gold dollar worth 100 cents in silver and a silver dollar worth 100 cents in gold.

If we ask why this rate is determined upon, our answer is not only that that has been the customary ratio for years, but also that the total stock of silver

coin in the world is $4,000,000,000; that the total stock of gold coin is approximately the same, and that if the total stocks of silver and gold were each melted into a solid mass, the silver mass would be about sixteen times as great in weight as the gold mass. We also answer that today the relative production of the two metals is approximately in the same proportion. We must establish by law some relation of value between the two metals. And we propose to value silver as it will stand after restoration to equality of privileges with gold, and not while it is discredited by unequal laws.

The restoration of bimetallism is apparent. It will not only give the world an increasing volume of currency, proportioned to the increase of population and to the extension of business, commerce and enterprise, but it will do away with the dislocation of exchanges that has existed between the gold-standard and silver-standard countries, a dislocation which has immensely stimulated the production of silver-standard countries in farm products, and which is about to stimulate their manufacturing production, to the injury of the gold-standard countries. Our wheat fields and our cotton fields have already felt the force of silver-standard competition, for the prices of Oriental and other silverstandard countries—always stable in silver-have declined in gold, just as gold has appreciated.

The Indian wheat grower receives today just as he did twenty years ago, an ounce of silver for a bushel of wheat; he sells it for that price to the Liverpool importer, who also offers to the American wheat grower an ounce of silver, which, formerly worth $1.20 in gold, is worth today only 65 cents. The result is that the American wheat grower receives in gold half of what he received in 1873. And so it is with cotton and other farm products. The value of our exportable products with which we pay our debts has constantly declined, in gold the balance of trade is against us, and it must be paid in gold. We propose by restoring the old gold price of silver to restore old gold price of our farm products, and to change the balance of trade with a favorable instead of an adverse balance. That this ought to be accomplished every one admits.

The Republican party, by its plea for international adjustment, admits that the gold standard is a bad thing, and that of bimetallism a good thing; but it claims that bimetallism can only be restored by international action. I shall not dwell long on this aspect of the question. It is sufficient to say that the Republican party limits our negotiation to the leading commercial nations, and those, of course, are known to be England, France and Germany. While the agricultural and manufacturing classes of those countries are friendly to bimetallism, and while parliamentary resolutions favoring bimetallism have been passed in each, there is no indication that the executive department of any of those governments is in any way using its diplomatic powers to accomplish it. The fact is that the executive department of importance, including our own, is directed in its financial policy by the gold monopoly. While France indicates a friendliness for bimetallism, and while Germany in a measure has relaxed its hostility, both declare that they will not act without the co-operation of England, and England, through the ministry of both her political parties, has declared her unalterable purpose to adhere to the gold standard.

The reason is apparent. The great advance of gold monometallism has given England the control of the credits of the world. Her people now own

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