CHAPTER XXVI.

S

THE BOLTING DEMOCRATS.

EPTEMBER 2d the bolting Democrats met in convention at Indianapolis, Ind. Ex-Gov. Flower, of New York, was chosen temporary chairman, and Senator Don Caffery, of Louisiana, permanent chairman. Both made speeches of some length and both denounced the Chicago convention and its nominees.

Mr. Flower began by saying:

Mr. Flower's Speech.

This gathering is notice to the world that the Democratic party has not yet surrendered to populism and anarchy. By our presence here we emphasize the genuine character of our democracy and demonstrate the patriotic nature of our partisanship. There have been numerous instances in political history where, in the name of party loyalty, men have justified their non-support of party platforms or candidates, and in many of such cases has the movement failed because, when analyzed, inspiring influence was found to be nothing higher than a desire to avenge disappointed ambitions, or to overthrow a political organization. No such sordid motive can be charged against this gathering. No Democrat here sought honors from those who framed the Chicago platform. Every Democrat here has only political humiliation to expect in the event of the success of the Chicago ticket. No Democrat honored here by being made the candidate of this convention can look forward with any reasonable hope to an election. None of us who help to nominate him can expect to be participants in any distribution of political favors. We are here because we love the Democratic party and because we love our country. That is the inspiration which has drawn us together and encourages our action. That is the fact which evidences our sincerity and makes our cause strong with the people. Dear to me are the teachings of those great Democrats, Jefferson, Jackson and Tilden, who, if alive today, would stand with us for party and public honor. And because I love my party and my country I am here to do what I can to shield them from dangerous attack.

The Populist convention at Chicago did not realize that the aspersions cast by them would, in the future, add luster to the object of their opprobrium. Long after the festering sores shall have healed and shall have passed into history as an incident as grotesque as Coxey's march to Washington, there will stand out with the other foremost leaders of the Democracy the name of the man they now vilify-Grover Cleveland.

Senator Caffery said, among other things:

Mr. Caffery's Speech.

We are the propagandists of no new creed. We are the upholders of the old. We appeal from Democracy drunk with delusion to Democracy sobered by reason. With an abiding faith in the intelligence and honesty of our people we lay before them and the world the reasons that prompted us to unfurl the old flag that has floated over many a triumph and many a defeat, and has never yet been soiled by repudiation nor stained by dishonor. We deem it wise to pursue an aggressive rather than a negative policy; to be Achilles dragging Hector around the walls of Troy rather than Achilles sulking in his tent. We propose to make a funeral pyre of the cadavers of populism and anarchy. We proposed to drag behind our triumphant chariot wheels, in defeat and disgrace, around the National Capital, the dead Frankensteins, personifying their pernicious creed and their turbulent fanaticism. I reproduce the money plank of the platform:

Platform of Bolting Democrats.

The experience of mankind has shown that by reason of their natural qualities gold is the necessary money of the large affairs of commerce and business, while silver is conveniently adapted to minor transactions, and the most beneficial use of both together can be insured only by the adoption of the former as a standard of monetary measure and the maintenance of silver at a parity with gold by its limited coinage under suitable safeguards of law. Thus the largest possible enjoyment of both metals is gained with the value universally accepted throughout the world, which constitutes the only practical bimetallic currency, assuring the most stable standard, and especially the best and safest money for all who earn a livelihood by labor or the produce of husbandry. They cannot suffer when paid in the best money known to man, but are the peculiar and most defenseless victims of a debased and fluctuating currency, which offers continual profits to the money changer at their cost.

Realizing these truths, demonstrated by long public inconvenience and loss, the Democratic party, in the interest of the masses and of equal justice to all, practically established by the legislation of 1834 and 1853, the gold standard of monetary measurements, and likewise entirely divorced the government from banking and currency issues. To this long-established Democratic policy we adhere and insist upon the maintenance of the gold standard and of the parity therewith of every dollar issued by the government, and are firmly opposed to the free and unlimited coinage of silver and to the compulsory purchase of silver bullion.

But we denounce, also, the further maintenance of the present costly patchwork system of national paper currency as a constant source of injury and peril.

We assert the necessity of such intelligent currency reform as will confine the government to its legitimate functions, completely separated from the banking business, and afford to all sections of our country a uniform, safe and elastic bank currency under government supervision, measured in volume by the needs of business.

Senator John M. Palmer, of Illinois, was nominated for the Presidency, and Gen. Simon B. Buckner, of Kentucky, for the Vice-Presidency.

Both candidates received their notification at Louisville, Ky., on the evening of September 12. Ex-Congressman William D. Bynum, chairman of the National Committee of the bolting Democrats, read messages from the President and Secretary of the Treasury. They were as follows:

Mr. Cleveland's Message.

Buzzard's Bay, Mass., September 10.

Hon. William D. Bynum: I regret that I cannot accept your invitation to attend the notification meeting on Saturday evening. As a Democrat, devoted to the principles and integrity of my party, I should be delighted to be present on an occasion so significant and to mingle with those who are determined that the voice of true Democracy shall not be smothered, and who insist that its glorious standard shall be borne aloft as of old, in faithful hands. GROVER CLEVELAND.

Mr. Carlisle's Message.

Bar Harbor, Me., September 12.

Hon. W. D. Bynum: Your telegram inviting me to attend the meeting at Louisville today has been forwarded to me at this place and I greatly regret my inability to accept. The conservative and patriotic declaration of the Indianapolis convention on the public questions involved in the pending contest, and the high character of its nominees, cannot fail to arouse the real Democratic sentiment of the country, and command the hearty support of all who sincerely believe in the preservation of the public honor, the public peace and the stability and value of the currency used by our people. I am proud to take my stand with the old-fashioned Democrats who have refused to abandon their honest convictions in order to form unnatural alliances with political and social organizations, whose purposes are dangerous to the country and wholly inconsistent with the fundamental principles of our party, and I pledge to you and your associates such support and assistance as I can properly give during the campaign.

J. G. CARLISLE.

This meeting inaugurated the campaign of the gold Democrats and it was carried on with spirit and aggressiveness until election day. The fight made by them against the Chicago ticket was more bitter, if possible, than that waged by the Republicans.

After the silver Republicans left the St. Louis convention they openly announced their support of the Chicago ticket, and throughout the campaign made no concealment of their intention to assist it in every honorable way. The gold Democrats, however, held

meetings for the ostensible purpose of securing votes for the bolting candidates, while the leaders were in constant consultation with the Republican managers. In other words, the silver Republicans were frank and candid, while the gold Democrats resorted to deception. In several States they succeeded in having their ticket placed upon the official ballot as a Democratic ticket, with the intention of securing for the ticket votes intended for the regular ticket. In Nebraska the bolters left off the word "National," and through the aid of Republican officials, obtained permission to designate their candidates as "Democrats."

It will be noticed that Mr. Flower expressed a love for the teachings of Jefferson and Jackson, and a similar position was taken by most of the prominent gold Democrats. While no legal procedure can be invoked to determine which branch of the party has the best right to claim allegiance to the principles of Jefferson and Jackson, it is worth while to remember that the position taken by the gold Democrats during the campaign just closed was on many points in direct antagonism to the views held by the founders of the party. For instance, Jefferson was the lifelong enemy of banks of issue, carrying his opposition to such an extent that he was called a maniac by the friends of bank currency. Andrew Jackson won his greatest civil victory in his contest with the national bank of that day. The gold Democrats, on the other hand, support the national bank as a bank of issue and desire to increase, rather than diminish, its privileges. Jefferson believed that the monetary unit should rest upon two metals and Jackson, when president, signed a coinage bill identical with the one which the advocates of free coinage wish to enact, while the gold Democrats in the platform adopted at Indianapolis express no desire for the double standard. But when the campaign is considered in a broader sense it will be found that the gold Democrats threw their influence with the very classes which most vehemently opposed Jefferson and Jackson. Parton, in his life of Jackson, says:

The Opposition to Jackson.

In these Jacksonian contests, therefore, we find nearly all the talent, nearly all the learning, nearly all the ancient wealth, nearly all the business activity, nearly all the book-nourished intelligence, nearly all the silver-forked civilization of the country, united in opposition to General Jackson, who represented the country's untutored instincts.

The same language might be used to describe the opposition to Jefferson.

Did not the gold Democrats boast that they had on their side the

same social and political elements described by Parton? Then, too, in bitterness and invective, the gold Democrats were quite similar to the opponents of Jefferson and Jackson, both of whom were assailed in language which found its counterpart during the last few months.

As illustrative of the second Jackson campaign, Parton quotes an extract from the paper of James Gordon Bennett. I reproduce it: Abuse of Jackson.

The impotency of the attacks which have been made upon General Jackson during the last three years by the Adams party, reminds us of an anecdote: "Mother," bawled out a great two-fisted girl one day, "my toe itches!" "Well, scratch it then." "I have, but it won't stay scratched!"

"Mr. Clay, Mr. Clay," cries out two-fisted Uncle Toby, "Jackson's a-coming-Jackson's a-coming!" "Well, then," says Clay, "anti-tariff him in the Journal." "I have, but he won't stay anti-tariffed." "Mr. Clay, Mr. Clay,” bawls out Alderman Binns, "the old farmer is a-coming, a-coming." "Well, then," says Harry, "coffin-hand-bill him." "I have," says Binns, "but he won't stay coffin-hand-billed." "Mr. Adams, Mr. Adams," says John H. Pleasants, the hero's coming, actually coming." "Well, then," says Mr. Adams, "Burr him and traitor him." "I have, but he won't stay Burred or traitored." "Mr. Clay, Mr. Clay," says Charles Hammond, "Jackson is coming." "Well," says Clay, "prove him a negro-trader." "Mr. Clay, Mr. Clay," bawls out the full Adams slandering chorus, we have called Jackson a murderer, a traitor, an ignoramus, a fool, a crook-back, a pretender, and so forth; but he won't stay any of these names." "He won't?" says Mr. Clay; "why, then, I shan't stay in Washington, that's all."

I do not refer to the previous campaigns with any thought that the dispute can be settled at this time, but merely to refresh the memories of those who may not have recently reviewed that portion of our political history. Future events will determine which branch of the party adheres to the principles of the fathers and to the traditions of the party. Future events must also determine which branch of the party most deserves to enjoy public confidence. We may rest assured that victory will unltimately come to those who propose policies most conducive to the general welfare. The only criticism which I desire to record here is that the gold Democrats sought to use the party name for purposes of deception. The party name belongs to the majority of the party and the minority cannot fairly, honestly or honorably use that name in such a way as to mislead the voters. I have at all times defended the sovereign right of the citizen to follow his conscience and his judgment in political matters, and to make his party affiliations conform to his convictions, but a fraud attempted against the voters is no more defensible than a fraud attempted in a business transaction. Had the Indianapolis convention endorsed the Republican ticket we might have found fault with the views of the gold Democrats, but