this country. He recognized that without prosperity among those who till the soil and convert a nation's resources into a nation's wealth there can be no permanent prosperity anywhere; and yet, in spite of this fact which every one must recognize, for the last twenty years, instead of encouraging agriculture, we have discouraged it-instead of giving it an equal chance, we have so burdened those who work on the farms that their sons are driven from the old home to become competitors with the mechanics in the shops.

The diffusion of information and the arraignment of all abuses at the bar of public reason.

Jefferson was right. He believed that error is harmless when reason is left free to combat it. Far better can we endure whatever injury may come from error than to attempt to suppress free speech and thus risk the suppression of the good along with the evil.

Freedom of religion; freedom of the press; freedom of the person under the protection of habeas corpus, and trial by juries impartially selected.

These, my friends, were the principles which he laid down, and they were sufficient to cover all the conditions which existed then. And then, as an explanation of these principles, he added:

These principles form the bright constellation which has gone before us, and guided our steps through an age of revolution and reformation. The wisdom of our sages and the blood of our heroes have been devoted to the attainment. They should be the creed of our political faith-the text of civil instruction-the touch-stone by which to try the services of those whom we trust; and should we wander from them in moments of error or alarm, let us hasten to retrace our steps and regain the road which leads alone to peace, liberty and safety.

I have read you, thus briefly, from the teachings of Thomas Jefferson. It ought to be the ambition of every member of these clubs to carry our Government back and place it again securely upon the foundation that that immortal statesman laid.

If you ask me what is my highest ambition, I reply that above all offices that human hands can give, above all honors which confidence and esteem can bestow, if I could choose the language by which my public work is to be described, I would have history say of me: He did what he could to make the Government what Jefferson desired it to be.

My friends, our Government has drifted away from the ancient landmarks. In times of passion and in times of party strife the instrumentalities of government have been turned to private gain, and Government, instead of meting out equal and exact justice, has been too often the tool of those who, having obtained possession of it, have used it to enrich themselves out of the toil and sweat, of their fellow men.

Today we meet in the presence of a mighty conflict-the greatest conflict that this nation has ever seen in time of peace. Upon the other side are arrayed forces of tremendous power. We need not overlook, we need not belittle the importance of the influences which oppose us. Behind the bulwark erected by our opponents has been gathered every public enemy who preys upon the people. They need contribute but a small proportion of the unjust gains that they have wrung from the public through vicious legislation, and yet that small proportion will be a corruption fund the like of which was never collected by any party before. Against this enemy, armed with all the imple

ments of party warfare-against this enemy, supplied with all the equipment which is supposed to be valuable in such a conflict-against this enemy, confident, arrogant and insolent, we have nothing to oppose except the consciences of seventy millions of people.

My friends, the patriots who live fifty years from now, reading the pages of history, will envy us who live in this day of such wonderful opportunities. I was born after the war. I belong to that generation which has never had an opportunity to prove its love of country upon the battlefield; but, oh, my countrymen, never in the history of this country has there been such an opportunity as there is today for the citizen to prove his love, not only of his country but of all mankind and of his God. The battle that we fight is fought upon the hilltop, and our contending armies are visible to all the world. All over this globe, in every civilized nation, the eyes of mankind are turned toward this battlefield. Show me, anywhere, a man oppressed, show me a man who has suffered from injustice, show me a man who has been made the victim of vicious legislation, and I will show you a man from whose heart goes up a silent prayer that we may win. Show me, anywhere, an aristocrat who despises the common people and considers them inferior beings, show me a king who is jealous of the rights his subjects have, show me a man who knows nothing but the thirst for gold, show me a monopolist who lives by the oppression of his fellowmen, anywhere, and I will show you a man who is hoping that success may come to those who oppose us.

One cablegram brings news that a subscription paper has been opened in a foreign banking centre to supply funds for the already overflowing treasury of our opponents; and the same wire flashes from Budapest the news that the farmers of the old world are anxious that bimetallism may be restored here.

Such, my friends, is the opportunity now open before those who desire to make our Government so good that it will deserve the love of every citizen who lives beneath the flag-such is the contest into which circumstances have hurled you, and you cannot evade or avoid your responsibility if you would. You must act. The bible tells us that much shall be required of those to whom much has been given; and to you, the citizens in this, the foremost nation of the world, to you the citizens in this land which must lead in the progress of the race to higher ground-to you is given the opportunity, and that opportunity measures your responsibility. I beg you, members of these clubs, to appreciate the gravity of the situation, and to do your duty as you see it.

Let me suggest an avenue of usefulness. We believe that our cause is just. We believe that, if that cause can be presented to the people, they will appreciate its justice. We believe that, if the arguments which support our position can be laid before the intelligent and the impartial, those arguments must convince. But, my friends, we find it difficult to raise even the amount of money necessary to print and circulate the literature which is asked for by the people. Heretofore we have sent out literature and begged men to have others take it. This year we are not able to supply the demand that comes from those who beg for literature. Let me suggest one thing that these clubs can do. Each club can take up a collection from among its members, and it can purchase literature and circulate that literature in the immediate vicinity of the club; and thus this

argument will extend and the circles, ever widening, will at last reach all who desire to study this question.

But there is another thing that you can do. I ask all the clubs, of whatever name, composed of members who believe in the restoration of bimetallism by this nation alone, to meet at the polling places on election morning, and give the entire day to work for their country. More than that; we are not able to furnish the funds necessary to hire carriages to bring in those who are unable to walk. I believe that fewer carriages will be needed this year than ordinarily, because more people will be anxious to go to the polls this year than ever before. But I ask you to furnish conveyances when you meet at the polls. Furnish carriages, or buggies, or wagons, or carts, or anything that you have; if you give what you have, you have given as generously as those who give much.

I beg, too, that each one of you will consider himself appointed a missionary, so that, from now until election day, no moment will be lost; every moment should be employed in bringing our cause to the attention of others.

More than that, I want you, when you leave here, to carry with you the word that we do not want any employer of labor to attempt to interfere with his men or to try to make them vote for our ticket against their will. As the presidential nominee of the triple alliance, I want to say to you, my friends, that I do not desire the involuntary support of any citizen in this nation. We appeal to the people, we submit our cause to the judgment of the people, and if I am elected I want to feel that behind me I have a majority of these people, and then, so help me God, I will carry out that platform to the letter.

Be not terrified by abuse, be not discouraged by epithets. No matter what names they may call you, if you are conscious that you are doing your duty, you have more support than you would have if all the world applauded you and your own conscience condemned. Abuse has always been the lot of those who fought against entrenched privilege. If you become annoyed, turn back to the pages of history, and for every name that is applied to you, you will find one equally severe applied to Jefferson-for every name applied to you, you will find one equally severe applied to Jackson. Ah, my friends, I might come nearer than that. That great spirit yonder (pointing to a picture of Lincoln) was as bitterly attacked by the aristocracy of wealth and would be as unpopular today among the financfers of New York or Boston as Jackson or Jefferson was in his day. Any man who believes that the people ought to stand equal before the law will be abused by those who desire favoritism in legislation and special privileges from government.

Be not terrified. Do your duty as you see it. I believe that we shall triumph. I believe, that as surely as tomorrow morning's sun shall rise, the day will come when bimetallism will be restored. Yes, the day will come when the money of the Constitution will again be ours; the day will come when trusts will be exterminated; the day will come when corporations will cease to consider themselves greater than the Government which created them; the day will come when the people of this country will be content to walk side by side, each one satisfied to enjoy life and liberty and the pursuit of happiness, without attempting to deprive his neighbor of equal opportunities and equal rights.

There is nothing, my friends, which so inspires as truth. Those who fight

with the consciousness that they are right, fight on with perfect confidence that, even if they themselves do not live to see the triumph of their cause, yet it will triumph after they are gone. If they die while the contest is still undecided, they die in the faith expressed by the poet as he wrote of one who fell upon the battlefield:

Yea, though thou lie upon the dust,

When they who helped thee flee in fear,

Die full of hope and manly trust

Like those who fell in battle here.

Another hand thy sword shall wield,

Another hand the standard wave,

Till from the trumpet's mouth is pealed
The blast of triumph o'er thy grave.

The National Association of Democratic Clubs, under the very efficient management of the president and secretary, did splendid work during the campaign, and deserves honorable mention.

CHAPTER XLI.

B

TO CHICAGO VIA TENNESSEE,

Y this time I felt the need of rest, and Sunday, October 4th, was spent in an endeavor to obtain it. In the evening the Memphis committee took our party in charge and landed us in that city in time for breakfast. The meeting here was held outdoors, and was largely attended. I took advantage of the occasion to say a word in behalf of Hon. E. W. Carmack, the Democratic candidate for Congress in that district, who, both when editor of the Commercial Appeal, and afterwards upon the stump, has done splendid work in behalf of bimetallism. Senator Isham G. Harris, to whose labors as a member of the Democratic National Silver Committee I have already referred, presided at the meeting, and there were upon the platform many who had taken an active part in the movement which resulted in the capture of the Chicago convention.

From Memphis we proceeded to Nashville, by way of McKenzie, stopping for a short time at the principal towns along the way.

The reception at Nashville was a very cordial one. Three outdoor meetings had been provided for, the first-a very large one-in the market square. This meeting is remembered especially because of the excellent rendition of "Home, Sweet Home" by a male glee club.

The third meeting of the evening was held under the auspices of the Populist committee, and was presided over by Prof. A. L. Mimms, the Populist candidate for Governor. The speech here was brief, and I referred to the fact that they had two electoral tickets and explained that, where such was the case, I was running against myself. The Populists afterward withdrew their electoral ticket and supported ours. The evening ended with a banquet at the Nicholson House, where a number of the leading bimetallists of the city were assembled. Sixteen young ladies from Belmont College waited on the table, and each presented a flower to the guest of the evening. Among the mementos of the occasion I carried away a hickory stick, taken from the Hermitage.

Here I met Hon. J. W. Gaines, candidate for Congress, Col. Colyer, 1 veteran bimetallist, ex-Congressman Enloe, a former colleague, and many others with whom I became acquainted when, just after