CHAPTER XLV. M AMONG THE BUCKEYES AND HOOSIERS. ONDAY, October 19, and the day following were spent in Ohio. Starting from Detroit in the night, we reached Toledo about breakfast time and put in a long and busy day, meetings being held at a number of cities, prominent among which were Lima, Sidney, Piqua, Troy, Hamilton, Dayton, Xenia, Washington, Circleville, Lancaster and Zanesville. At Lima I referred to the request just made by the chairman of the Republican National Committee that the flag be displayed by those who believed in sound money. Below will be found a portion of my remarks: Lima Speech. I want to call your attention to something that appeared in yesterday morning's paper. I find that the chairman of the Republican National Committee has issued a letter to the American people in which he says: The American flag has been in the present campaign the emblem or insignia of national honor. Its influence has been great for good in the cause of a good people. Its display in many places has been potent in the advancement of the country's battle for the maintenance of its honor at home and abroad. I therefore suggest that on Saturday, October 31, all who intend to vote on November 3 for the preservation of our nation's honor, for sound money and the advancement of our people's interests and general prosperity, display the national colors at their homes, their places of business, or wherever they may be seen, in order that voters, whose hearts are for their country, may be strengthened in their purpose, and those who are undetermined may the more patriotically and intelligently conclude how best to perform their duty as citizens. My friends, it is the first time, I believe, that I have ever agreed with the chairman of the Republican National Committee, but I want to sign my name to his letter and ask all those who believe in ideas set forth there to display the flag on the 31st of October, because there is not a thing in that letter that the advocates of free silver cannot indorse. Now, note what he says-that he wants the flag displayed by all those who on the 3d of November intend to vote for the preservation of our national honor. We advocates of free silver believe that only by having a financial policy made by the American people for the American people can we support the honor of the United States. He wants those to display the flag who are for sound money. We who believe in the money of the Constitution are for a sounder money than those who want to change our currency into pounds, shillings and pence. We who believe in a basis for our finan cial transactions sufficiently broad for those transactions to rest upon, believe in a sounder financial system than those who advocate a gold standard and a financial system based upon gold alone, when they cannot find the gold to furnish the foundation. We not only believe in sounder money, but we tell you what we mean by sound money, and do not play the hypocrite by talking about sound money and then refusing to explain what the term means. He wants those who are going to vote for the advancement of our people's interests and general prosperity to display the flag. My friends, we believe that free coinage of silver, the opening of the mints to the free and unlimited coinage of silver at 16 to 1 without waiting for the aid or consent of any other nation, means the advancement of the interests of the people and general prosperity, and therefore we can join in displaying the American flag. Let it be known to the country that we are standing by the flag, and that we are not asking foreign nations what that flag shall mean. I join, therefore, in the request for three reasons: First, because we believe in everything he advocates in that letter, and therefore have as much right to display the flag on that day as any Republican has, and we believe that we have a good deal more moral right to do so in this campaign. I join in the request for another reason. I do not want them to mark the advocates of free silver for slaughter on that day. I do not want the employers to go about over your town and throughout the country and find out who has a flag in his window and then threaten to discharge the man who does not say that he is going to vote the Republican ticket. My friends, if coercion is going to be attempted, for heaven's sake let it not be attempted by using the flag as a means of pointing out the men to be threatened. If they want to find out who should be slaughtered, let them take some other emblem than the nation's flag under which to do their nefarious work. There is another reason why I join in that request. I want some flags to float on that day which do not mean a government by syndicates and for syndicates. I want some flags to float on that day which do not stand for the right of a coal trust to send a representative to every fireside and collect tribute from every family in this land. I want some flags to float on that day that do not stand for the opinions of those who say that if the majority of the people win in this campaign they do not know whether they will submit to the decision or not. I want some flags to float on that day which have behind them the honest sentiment of the American people; of people who expect to attend to their own business, and do not intend to be bought or driven in to the support of foreign financial policies. So, my friends, I want to ask all advocates of silver to bring out the flag on that day. I want them to display it in their homes and places of business and, if need be, carry it upon the streets. Let our opponents know that we do not intend to surrender that emblem into the hands of the enemies of the people of this country. At Hamilton ex-Governor James E. Campbell presided; at Dayton I received a small silver-plated cannon, which is treasured among the souvenirs of the campaign. We closed the meetings of the day at Zanesville, where I addressed three audiences between 12:30 and 2 o'clock A. M. We went to Bellaire in the night and Tuesday proceeded north along the Ohio River, stopping, among other places at Steubenville, East Liverpool, Rochester, Penn, Youngstown, Alliance, Ravenna, Akron, Medina, Elyria, Sandusky and Tiffin. At East Liverpool we met ex-Congressman Ikert and his wife, who remained with us during most of the day. The largest crowd was probably at Youngstown. The Sandusky meeting was held after midnight. Our train was delayed somewhat in leaving Sandusky, and as I was trying to snatch a little sleep between meetings, my dreams were disturbed by such dialogues as the following: "Bryan! Bryan! Get up! Let us see you! You will lose a hundred votes if you don't." "No, Jim, make it fifty." The day's campaign closed with the Tiffin meeting, at which I spoke between the hours of 1 and 2 A. M. I Traveling by night we, reached Greenville, and held an early morning meeting there-the last of the Ohio meetings. At this place I met a number of acquaintances, it being the place where I delivered my first lecture after the adjournment of the FiftyThird Congress. The tour through Ohio had been so managed as to carry me into nearly all of the Congressional districts. Hon. D. McCanville, who was in charge of the Speaker's Bureau of the National Committee, was in charge of the party and was assisted by Chairman Durbin, both of whom were untiring in their efforts to add to the comfort of the party. In going from place to place we met most of the prominent Democrats, Populists and silver Republicans. From Ohio on the yellow ribbons were conspicuous at nearly every meeting. They were generally distributed free on the morning of our meeting, as we learned, but as a rule those who wore them were orderly and made no attempt to interfere with or disturb our meetings. From Greenville we crossed over into Indiana and spent two days in that State. Beginning at Richmond, we made short stops at Rushville, Newcastle, Muncie, Anderson, Marion, Bluffton and Ft. Wayne. Next to Ft. Wayne, the Anderson meeting was the largest. At that place there were a large number of college stu There were dents present from Prof. Croan's Normal School. three meetings at Ft. Wayne, the first outdoors, and the others in large halls. The principal speech was made at the second meeting, and here, as on several other occasions, I commended the work done by Senator Teller, Senator Dubois, Congressman Towne, and others who had left the Republican party and openly joined with us during the campaign. Friday found us visiting a large number of cities, among which may be named Decatur, Huntington, Rochester, Peru, Logansport, Delphi, Frankfort, La Fayette, Crawfordsville, Greencastle, Brazil and Terre Haute. A photograph taken at Rochester gives such a good view of the crowd that I thought it worthy of reproduction. It will be found on another page. A very large crowd was assembled at La Fayette, where I spoke from three sides of the court house. At Greencastle I met Hon. John Clark Ridpath, the fusion candidate for Congress. Mr. Ridpath has written some very severe criticisms of the gold standard, and is so distinguished a scholar that his words carry great weight. The Brazil meeting was both large and enthusiastic. We ended our campaign in Indiana at Terre Haute, where two large outdoor meetings were held. The arrangements here were excellent, the Democratic clubs marching as an escort and opening the way. During this trip through Indiana Governor Matthews and Mr. Martin were again with us. I cannot too emphatically express my appreciation of their zeal for, and fidelity to, the cause. CHAPTER XLVI. T IN THE SUCKER STATE. HE first Illinois meeting was held at Danville, where I quoted ard. Returning to Paris, we made a brief stop there and then went on through Charleston, Mattoon and Sullivan, to Decatur, where two meetings were held. Here the Reception Committee took us through the streets in a motor-cycle. The next stop was at Springfield, where an immense crowd had assembled. There were two meetings here, one in the Court House Square, and one in the Capitol grounds. Springfield plays, in my judgment, an important part in the contest which is being waged for the restoration of the money of the Constitution. The Illinois convention of June, 1895, exerted a potent influence in the struggle for supremacy in the Democratic National Convention. Passing through Petersburg, Havana and Pekin, we closed the first day in Peoria. This was the next day after Mr. Carlisle had been egged at Covington, and at Peoria I mentioned the matter, and said: Peoria Speech. I want to say that I condemn the disturbance at Mr. Carlisle's meeting as much as any disturbance offered at any silver meeting. Let each individual remember that no disgrace can be heaped by him upon any other person. A man cannot be disgraced by another. The man disgraces himself when disgrace comes, and those who attempt to offer indignity to another injure themselves far more than they do the object of their attacks. I know that in this campaign there has been resentment toward many who in the past advocated one doctrine, but who now advocate another doctrine. I know that these changes may have been made without sufficient reason or excuse being given to the public, but, my friends, leave these men to history. History is just; if they have done wrong, they shall be punished. If they are right, we should not punish them. We met a number of prominent silver advocates that day, among them ex-Congressman McNeeley, of Petersburg, Postmaster Ridgely, of Springfield, and Editor Barnes of the Peoria Journal, who was, until after the St. Louis convention, a Republican. During the night we went to Ottawa and began Saturday's work |