which come from your conscience and your judgment. I appreciate the advantage of living in a country like this. You may have had people tell you that my ideas are antagonistic to our form of government and to law and order. But I want you to believe me when I say that there is not a person in this country who love our institutions more than I do, or who feels a deeper interest in their preservation.

And what young man has more reason to prize our institutions than I have? In what other country is it possible for a young man to accomplish as much as he can accomplish in this country? In what other country is it possible for a young man, with nothing to commend him except his interest in a cause, to be selected by those who believe with him to carry out their ideas? I so much prize the advantages of a country like this that I want to keep this government as our forefathers intended it. I want it to rest securely upon the foundations which they laid, so that it will guarantee equal rights to all citizens, and give special privileges to no citizen. I want it to be still possible for the child of the humblest citizen in this land to aspire to any office to which his abilities, his ideas, his labors and his integrity fit him.

And it is because I realize, as I think I do, some of the influences which in society are tending to close the door of opportunity to young men, that I have felt the indignation that I have expressed against the great aggregations of wealth, which have in many instances trampled upon the rights of weaker members of society, and have attempted to drive out competition, and then prey upon society after it has been rendered helpless and lies at their mercy.

But, my friends, I am here to greet you, rather than to talk to you. I have digressed somewhat from my purpose because I have so little chance to have my side of the question at issue heard in many of our institutions of learning that I felt that I ought not to neglect an opportunity to say a word in defense of the cause for which I stand. I sometimes read in the papers that nearly all of the professors in the various colleges are against me, but I shall teach what I believe in, though not a college professor or business man or man prominent in society is willing to stand with me. I know that all the great reforms of society have come up from the common people-not down from those who are well-to-do or who are so surrounded that they do not know the needs of the people.

I remember that the Bible tells us that, when a young man was inquiring what he ought to do and was told to sell what he had and give to the poor, "he went away grieved for he had great possessions." Great possessions sometimes so monopolize a person's thoughts, so occupy his time that he is not able to consider the needs of society which are felt and realized by those who suffer. I want you in the study of all questions, not to take somebody else's views but to try and find out for yourselves what is best for the people. And be sure that the policies which you advocate are such as will lift up those about you as well as yourselves. The Bible says that he who would be chiefest among you must be the servant of all; and if I can leave with you but one thought to be remembered as you go from college to undertake the duties of life I want to leave this thought: The only greatness that there is in this world lies in service. When history writes an account of your lives and records

the debts due to you, that person will be the greatest in history-will be the chiefest among all-who has been the servant of all. The more you accomplish for others, the more you accomplish for yourselves.

I shall always remember the days spent in Illinois College. As an institution must suffer from the wrongful acts of any one who has been educated within its walls and from any disgrace which comes to an alumnus, so the college is entitled to share in all the honors and good fortune that may come to those whom the college has helped to start in life.

There was a parade during the forenoon and a meeting in the public square in the afternoon, followed by an address to the ladies at the opera house. Jacksonville is the home of Congressman-Elect William H. Hinrichsen, then Secretary of State, and the Democrats of that county are nearly all of the bimetallic variety.

From Jacksonville we went to Alton, where I made two speeches, and from Alton we traveled by night to Lincoln. At this place I spoke of the argument sometimes made that the free coinage of silver would cause a panic, and explained the position taken by bimetallists-namely, that the free coinage of silver, by taking out of gold the additional purchasing power which has been forced in it by legislation, would cheapen it, and, instead of hoarding it, the holders of money would be anxious to invest it in property and obtain the benefit of the rise, At Bloomington we were met by Vice-President Stevenson and wife, and he presided at the meeting at that place. The speech here was brief, the following being a part.

Bloomington Speech.

Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: While it is pleasant to greet the people in any part of this nation, I find a special gratification in being permitted to speak to the people of Bloomington, because this is the home of the VicePresident of the greatest nation on God's footstool. We, who have been keepers of the Democratic faith, love Adlai Stevenson, not only for what he is, but we love him also because he is all we have left of the last National Democratic ticket.

The Bible tells you of the father who loved the prodigal son when he returned. I tell you of the Democratic father who loves the son who went not astray. How we shall feel toward the prodigal son if he comes back I cannot say, but, my friends, I know how we feel toward the son who has stayed at home instead of going out to feed the hogs of the enemy.

If you have any doubt as to the Democracy of our position on the money question, I want you to read what the Republican candidate for the Presidency said yesterday. He said in a speech from the front porch:

Every dollar representing one hundred cents and good not only among our own people, but wherever trade goes, in every mart and market place of the world. It was made by the Republican party; but, let me say, while it was made by the Republican party, the administration of Grover Cleveland has maintained it.

There he tells you that Grover Cleveland has simply carried out the policy of the Republican party and inferentially tells you that in case of Republican success the Republican party for four years will carry out the policy of Grover Cleveland.

This administration has issued $262,000,000 in bonds to maintain the gold standard for three years, and Mr. McKinley praises Mr. Cleveland for having maintained the gold standard. When Mr. McKinley says that Mr. Cleveland has maintained Republican doctrine and praises Mr. Cleveland, you have reason to believe that if Mr. McKinley is elected he will go on issuing bonds for the benefit of the bondholders and taxing the people to pay for them.

My friends, these are strange times. You will not find in our political history another instance where a president has been thrown overboard by his own party only to be caught up and idolized by the opposing party. Yet that is what you find today. The only people who are commending the financial policy of Grover Cleveland are the men who are trying to elect a Republican President to continue that policy for four years more. Are you surprised wher you find that the policy inaugurated at St. Louis and reiterated by the Republican candidate, is driving out of the Republican party those who still believe in a government of the people, by the people and for the people?

I have been introduced this morning to Republicans who until this year voted the Republican ticket, but who this year are joining with us to restore the money of the Constitution. I am proud of the kind of men who are coming

to us.

From Bloomington we went to Chicago, stopping at Pontiac, Dwight, Braidwood, Joliet and Lamont. At Braidwood the audience was largely composed of miners, and I repeated what I had said on other occasions, that in a test of endurance the farmer can stand the gold standard longer than the laboring man can. If his farm is foreclosed, he can become a tenant, because those who hold mortgages would not, as a rule, care about cultivating the farms themselves. So far as food is concerned the farmer can supply his absolute needs from the farm, and if it becomes necessary, his wife and daughters can again make the clothing for the family, but the laboring man loses his means of subsistence when he loses his work. The farmer has a double chance, while the miner has scarcely one. If corn gets so cheap that the farmer cannot afford to buy coal, he can burn corn, but the miner cannot eat coal.

The meetings at Joliet and Pontiac were both largely attended. We reached Chicago about four o'clock.

During the trip through Illinois we were joined from time to time by persons who were speaking for silver, among them Hon. Alfred Orendorf, of Springfield, Judge William Prentiss and Judge Shackelford, of Chicago, Hon. Free P. Morris, of Watseka, and Hon. W. H. Green, of Cairo.

At Peoria Mr. Tomlinson left us. By his unassuming ways and genial manner, as well as by his tact and good judgment, he had attached himself to all of the members of the party and we were sorry to part with him. His place was taken by an old Jacksonville friend, Mr. M. F. Dunlap, who stayed with us until we reached Chicago. Mr. Dunlap was the best timekeeper I found on the trip. He always pulled my coat when my time was up and thus enabled us to reach Chicago according to schedule. Messrs. Cantrell and Bentley, who were with us through Southern Illinois, again had charge of our train. Besides being royal good fellows, they are both large men and were able to make a way through any crowd. Bentley's county, Pike, gave a largely increased majority, which, I believe, was due in part to his exertions, although Mrs. Bryan claims some credit for the increase, owing to the fact that it was her early home.

CHAPTER XLVII.

T

THE CHICAGO CAMPAIGN.

HE Chicago campaign covered three days. Immediately upon our arrival, Tuesday afternoon, a reception was given at Bat

tery D, in which all the organizations, ward clubs, and friendly labor organizations participated. Hon. Alexander J. Jones delivered an address of welcome, and Mr. M. Shapiro, on behalf of the Hebrew Democrats, presented me a beautiful badge, one of the handsomest received during the campaign. Replying to the address of welcome and to the presentation, I said:

Chicago Speech-Second Reception.

Mr. Chairman and Fellow-Citizens: I came to Chicago as I started on my way to New York to open this campaign and I return to your city to take part in the closing exercises of the campaign. I have witnessed today a scene which impresses me very much and which leads me to believe that the great city of the West, which rests upon the prosperity of the masses and cannot prosper unless they prosper, will cast its influence one week from today on the side of an American financial policy for the American people. I beg to express my deep gratitude to the organizations which participated in this welcome. But I am not vain enough to believe that any part of the extraordinary enthusiasm which I have witnessed between the Missouri River and the Atlantic Ocean is intended as a personal tribute. In this great contest it is the principles for which the candidate stands, and not the candidate himself, that have called forth this demonstration.

There is only one thing for which I claim any credit. I believe that you, and others who have expressed themselves as you have, have confidence that I will carry out the pledges which I have made during this campaign. It is simply your confidence that I will do what I have promised to do and carry out the ideas for which I stand in this campaign, that is personal. But, my friends, what credit is it to a man to be what he seems to be? If I were other than true to the principles which I have advocated, I would be beneath the contempt of those whose suffrages I ask.

I do believe that in this campaign a great question is to be determined for the present at least. I do believe that the settlement of that great question affects every man, woman and child in this land, and when I see the people stirred as they have seldom been stirred before, I believe that they appreciate the responsibilities of citizenship, and that they intend that their ballots shall be cast for that financial system which they believe to be best for themselves, for their neighbors and for their country.