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CHAPTER LII.

T

EXPLANATIONS.

HIS chapter will be devoted to an explanation of the plan followed in the preparation of this volume. The platforms of the three parties, Democratic, National Silver and Populist, which united in the demand for free and unlimited coinage at sixteen to one, and in my nomination, are given in full. In reporting the Democratic, National Silver party and Populist conventions, I have followed the order in which the nominations were made. While the National Silver party and Populist party conventions assembled on the same day, the former finished its work first. The national platforms adopted by the Republican party and bolting Democrats are given in so far as they relate to the money question.

The letters of acceptance of Mr. McKinley and Mr. Hobart, in so far as they discuss the money plank, are given in order that the reader may understand the position taken upon this question by the Republican party.

The notification speech delivered by Gov. Stone, the letter of notification delivered by the Democratic committee, the letter of notification delivered by the Populist committee, and Mr. Groot's verbal presentation of the Silver party nomination, are given, together with my letters accepting the Democratic and Populist nomination, and my speech accepting the Silver party nomination. Following this will be found the speech delivered by Mr. Sewall at the notification meeting and his letter of acceptance. I have also included a biographical sketch of Mr. Sewall.

In addition to these documents, I have given the speeches of the temporary and permanent chairmen of the three friendly conventions, together with the nominating speeches presenting the names of the successful candidates at the three conventions, namely, the speeches of Mr. Lewis, Mr. Little and Mr. Weaver, presenting my name; the speech of Mr. Bourke, placing Mr. Sewall's name before the Democratic convention (no speech was made in presenting his name at the Silver convention), and the speech of Mr. Howard in the Populist convention, presenting the name of Mr. Watson. I have also given

an extract from the speeches delivered by Mr. Flower and Mr. Caffery, as temporary and permanent chairmen of the Indianapolis convention, together with the messages of regret of Mr. Cleveland and Mr. Carlisle, read at the Louisville notification meeting.

Senator Teller's speech in the Republican convention is given, and also the addresses issued by the silver Republicans, the first just after the adjournment of the Republican convention, and the second after the adjournment of the Chicago convention, because the speech and addresses set forth the reasons given by the silver Republicans for leaving the Republican party. The appeal for funds issued by the Democratic committee is reproduced, as it shows the source to which the committee looked for financial support, and the address issued by the Populist committee is given because it presents the arguments which induced the Populists to join the Democrats in the selection of electors. All of these documents are, in a certain sense, of an official nature.

To have gone beyond these would have compelled me to make selections between the speeches of individuals, which would be neither pleasant to myself nor kind to those who have supported the cause of bimetallism with equal zeal and fidelity. I realize that I have not been able to enter into detail in describing the journeys made during the campaign, the space at my disposal making anything like an elaborate review impossible. In selecting speeches for reproduction, I have tried to present as much variety as possible in the treatment of the various phases of the money question, and also to select those which contained quotations from the speeches and writings of others. It has been necessary to cut down some speeches which I would have been glad to give in full, and many speeches have been omitted altogether.

In the matter of illustration, so far as the pictures of public men are concerned, I have followed substantially the same plan as in the selection of printed matter.

No words are necessary to justify the prominence given to Mr. Bland, Mr. Weaver and Mr. Teller, to whom the book is dedicated. Their services in their respective parties have placed them in a position where all must concede the propriety of the partiality which I have shown them.

The pictures of Messrs. McKinley and Hobart, the successful candidates in the first battle, have been given, together with the picture of Mr. Sewall, the Vice-Presidential nominee of the Democratic and silver parties. I had intended to present the picture of Mr. Watson, the

Populist nominee for the Vice-Presidency, together with a biographical sketch and some extracts from his campaign utterances, but have refrained from doing so at his request. I may add here that, while I did not fully agree with him as to the methods to be employed during the campaign, I never questioned his good faith or his right to pursue such a course as he thought to be best for the success of the reforms in which he was interested.

The pictures of Senator Jones, Mr. Lane and Senator Butler, chairmen of the national committees of the respective parties, deserve a place in any volume which attempts to describe a campaign in which these gentlemen took so conspicuous and honorable a part.

The temporary and permanent chairmen of the three conventions controlled by the silver forces, namely, Senators Daniel and White, of the Democratic convention, Messrs. Newlands and St. John, of the Silver convention, and Senators Butler and Allen, of the Populist convention, are entitled to special recognition. In the National Silver convention Mr. Towne was made permanent vice-chairman, an unusual compliment, which, together with his distinguished services in behalf of bimetallism, justifies me, I think, in placing his picture among those of the presiding officers of the three conventions.

The reader will be interested in preserving the pictures of the leading candidates for the Presidency before the various conventions, therefore I have included those of Messrs. Blackburn, Boies, McLean, Matthews, Pattison and Tillman, candidates before the Democratic convention. The high official position held by Vice-President Stevenson would entitle his picture to a place in this volume, without reference to the vote which he received in the National Convention. I include the picture of Mr. Norton, my only rival for the Populist nomination. (I had no opposition in the Silver party convention.) To these I have added the picture of one who was not a candidate for the Presidency, Governor Altgeld, whose overshadowing influence in Illinois, a pivotal and pioneer State, justifies me in making an exception of him. In the absence of a picture of Mr. Watson, I have taken the liberty of inserting a picture of Hon. Ignatius Donnelly, who was not only one of the prominent friends of Mr. Watson in the St. Louis convention, but is one of the most distinguished leaders of the Populist party.

Believing that the work would be incomplete without them, I have added the pictures of Mr. W. H. Harvey, whose work has been described in another chapter; Mr. Warner, who was for so long a time a

central spirit in the American Bimetallic League; Senators Jones and Stewart, of Nevada, who were prominent in the conference of February 22, 1895, and Mr. Sibley, who was, at that conference, suggested for the Presidency. My respect for the memory of my legal preceptor, Hon. Lyman Trumbull, leads me to include his picture in the collection. In the selection of other illustrations I have been guided largely by the opinion of my publishers.

While this brief history can only record the names and work of those who occupied positions of prominence in the fight, I desire to express my appreciation of the zeal, fidelity and labors of those nameless heroes who, in every State, county and precinct bore the burden of the battle and on all occasions did their part. In one chapter will be found the names of the members of the three national committees. To these might have been added, if space permitted, the names of the several committees of the States, counties and precincts of the three parties which joined in the demand for financial independence. Even could these names have been given the roll would have included only the officers who directed the movements of an army which numbered 6,500,000-—nearly one million more than ever, until this year, gave their suffrages to a Presidential candidate. A thousand volumes such as this would not suffice to record the speeches made, the sacrifices endured and the heroism displayed by the advocates of bimetallism; but the part taken by each individual is known in his community, and, aside from the approval which merit always wins, the actors have the satisfaction of knowing that each has contributed as much of benefit as opportunity permitted.

I am proud of the character of my support. Those who voted for me did so of their own volition; neither coercion nor purchase secured their suffrages; their confidence and good will rob defeat of all its

pangs.

CHAPTER LIII.

A

THE FUTURE

S soon as the result of the election was definitely known, I issued to the bimetallists of the United States an address, which will be found below:

Address to Bimetallists.

To the Bimetallists of the United States: Conscious that millions of loyal hearts are saddened by temporary defeat, I beg to offer a word of hope and encouragement. No cause ever had supporters more brave, earnest and devoted than those who have espoused the cause of bimetallism. They have fought from conviction, and have fought with all the zeal which conviction inspires. Events will prove whether they are right or wrong. Having done their duty as they saw it, they have nothing to regret. The Republican candidate has been heralded as the advance agent of prosperity. If his policies bring real prosperity to the American people, those who opposed him will share in that prosperity. If, on the other hand, his policies prove an injury to the people generally, those of his supporters who do not belong to the office holding class, or to the privileged classes, will suffer in common with those who opposed him. The friends of bimetallism have not been vanquished; they have simply been overcome. They believe that the gold standard is a conspiracy of the moneychangers against the welfare of the human race, and they will continue the warfare against it.

The contest has been waged this year under great embarrassments and against great odds. For the first time during this generation public attention has been centered upon the money question as the paramount issue, and this has been done in spite of all attempts upon the part of our opponents to prevent it. The Republican convention held out the delusive hope of international bimetallism, while Republican leaders labored secretly for gold monometallism. Gold standard Democrats have publicly advocated the election of the Indianapolis ticket, while they labored secretly for the election of the Republican ticket. The trusts and corporations have tried to excite a fear of lawlessness, while they themselves have been defying the law; and American financiers have boasted that they were custodians of national honor, while they were secretly bartering away the Nation's financial independence.

But in spite of the efforts of the Administration and its supporters; in spite of the threats of money loaners at home and abroad; in spite of the coercion practiced by corporate employers; in spite of trusts and syndicates; in spite of an enormous Republican campaign fund, and in spite of the influence of a hostile daily press, bimetallism has almost triumphed in its first great fight. The loss of a few States, and that, too, by very small pluralities, has defeated bimetallism

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