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him with the map in his hand. He was constantly hunting for water-channels that could not be found, for mountains where bleak, level snow-fields spread away, and for big islands far to the north that were never revealed to him. But instead of the large land masses he had expected to traverse, he discovered an open sea, to which he gave the name of the British Ocean. So it happens that one of the main results of the three years' work is a new map of Franz-Josef Land, which upsets our old ideas of the islands. Instead of large masses of land, he found the islands to be comparatively small, and, what is more important in their relation to polar work, they do not extend nearly so far towards the pole as they were supposed to do; and thus the theory held ever since their discovery, that they probably offer the best base for an attempt to reach the pole, has received a sad blow. But though the islands were not the stepping-stones they were supposed to be to the goal so many have sought, they offered a rich field for arctic research, and Jackson and his very competent assistants improved their opportunities. In addition to mapping the archipelago, a great deal of scientific work was done, which has added much to our knowledge of the fauna, flora, geology, and meteorology of the group. The book, however, being intended for popular reading, is not overburdened with scientific data. Full justice is done to the discoveries made, but the more solid portions of the book are diversified by many lively and even exciting incidents--the sporting adventures of the keenest of Nimrods, journeys among the ice-floes in Jackson's birch-bark canoe, stories of the dog teams and the long sledge journeys, and anecdotes of arctic life ou land and sea.

The one thing better than the most vivid descriptions, to give the reader an accurate idea of arctic scenes and phenomena, is illustrations that are clear, graphic, and true to life. The admirable pictures in this volume depict all phases of scenery and work in Franz-Josef Land. It would not have been possible a few years ago to adorn this excellent work with pictures so instructive in themselves and so helpful to the text.

"In the Forbidden Land." By A. HENRY SAVAGE LANDOR,

Of

"IN THE FORBIDDEN LAND," by Mr. A. Henry Savage Landor, will occupy a unique position in the literature of Tibetan exploration. all the white men who in recent times have attempted to reach Lhasa, the sacred city of the Buddhists, Landor alone was horribly maltreated and placed in serions peril of his life. At least a dozen explorers in the past thirty yearsfrom Przhevalsky, the Russian, to Bonvalot, the Frenchman; Carey and Littledale, the Englishmen; and Rockhill, the American — endeavored just as strenuously as Landor did to gain access to the forbidden city. When they knocked at the door, admission was de

nied them, but, though completely thwarted, they were treated with courtesy. Landor is the only white visitor to Tibet, in many years, who has suffered physical violence. He shows Tibetans to us in a new character, for none of his predecessors had been able to exhibit them to the world's gaze, as his interesting narrative does, in the light of savages, whose ingenious cruelty is not surpassed by the most fiendish achievements of renegade Apaches. The latest book on Tibet contains, therefore, a tragic element, a record of great suffering, that is lacking in the others; it has this other distinguishing feature, that, while the other explorers approached Lhasa from the side of Turkestan, Cashmere, or China, Landor entered the country from the south, and pushed east towards the capital through virgin country, save so far as the native explorers in the service of India have revealed it. His work, therefore, gives us most interesting glimpses of the grand mountain region of southwestern Tibet, an almost unknown part of the country.

The Tibetans distrust their Indian neighbors, and watch them closely, for they are fearful of invasion from that quarter. It may be that they would have dealt less cruelly with Landor if he had come among them from any other point of the compass. Perhaps they were exasperated, too, by the sheer audacity of his proceeding, for he dared to advance toward Lhasa, fifty-six marches, with only two companions. The other twenty-eight men of his party deserted him soon after he entered Tibet; but, in spite of this reverse, he kept on for nearly two months before the Tibetans seized him. It was a wonderful journey, a remarkable exhibition of pluck, and the explorer paid dear for his temerity.

The three men were put in chains and sentenced to death. Landor was tortured with hot irons. He was taken to the executionground to be beheaded. While one man held the explorer by the hair, another made flourishes with his sword, preliminary to the final stroke. At the last moment an order came from the Grand Llama staying the hand of the executioner, and condemning the prisoner to torture on the rack. His spine, legs, feet, arms, and hands were injured by the terrible ordeal through which he passed. He was chained up for eight days, and his two men were manacled for eighteen days. In the end, however, all were released, and made their way back to India by slow and painful stages.

The whole of his journey was through regions that, for the most part, had never enlisted the service of an explorer's pen. As an exploratory enterprise Landor's journey, though so abruptly concluded, was brilliantly successful. He is a writer and an artist as well as an explorer. His narrative is brightly written, and full of entertaining as well as thrilling incidents, and his pictorial delineation of a new corner of the world adds much to the value of the volume. CYRUS C. ADAMS.

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LIEUTENANT-COLONEL FORREST MARCHING OUT FROM DOVER TO ATTACK THE

FEDERAL RIGHT.

VOL. XCVIII

FEBRUARY, 1899

No. DLXXXV

LIEUTENANT-COLONEL FORREST AT FORT DONELSON.*

BY JOHN A. WYETH, M.D.

HE struggle at Fort Donelson was the first decisive battle of the civil war. In many respects it proved to be the most important engagement between the contending armies of the North and the South. There were to follow many more desperate encounters, where greater numbers were engaged, where the slaughter was more fearful, where day after day the murderous storm swept on with unabating fury, where the flashi of musketry was more vivid and the thunder of artillery louder, and caught more readily the eye and ear of the world at large. But in all probability the careful historian will yet decide that in shaping events which, step by step, wrought the downfall of the Southern coalition, Fort Donelson stands pre-eminent. It was a blow which staggered the Confederacy, and from which, it is safe to say, it never wholly recovered. A disaster which led into captivity thousands of its best and bravest men, and thus early in the contest weakened the morale of one of its armies in teaching it the bitter lesson of defeat. Above all, this monumental blunder made possible the career of a man who, from that day until the end, with untiring energy and relentless hand, with giant blows struck down the Southern cross. Out of the clouds of smoke and mist that settled down upon that fatal field, where friend and foe alike lay frozen and stiff with the agony of death in every feature, there rose to the horizon one star of destiny. Surely at its birth the evil genius of the Confederacy presided, and as it shone above those snow-clad hills of Tennessee, even had one prophet of history lived he might have seen against the screen of night, cast in fateful characters, the ominous words of Shiloh, Corinth, Vicks

A condensed chapter from the life of General

N. B. Forrest.

Copyright, 1899, by Harper and Brothers. All rights reserved.

burg, Missionary Ridge, The Wilderness, Spottsylvania, Cold Harbor, and then Petersburg, the death-bed of the lost cause, and Appomattox, its grave.

Fort Donelson may, without successful contradiction, be asserted as the turningpoint in the career of Ulysses S. Grant, a man of tremendous courage and tenacity, possessing a genius for war of a high order, and yet achieving, by fortuitous circumstance in the dawn of his career, the success which made his greatness possible. Driven from the field at Belmont, on which he had first been victor, and forced, in order to escape capture, to take refuge on his transports, himself the last man to quit the shore, riding his wounded horse with daredevil recklessness down the precipitous bank and along a single gang-plank to the steamer's deck, he there even in defeat gave evidence of that bull-dog tenacity which was yet to stand him in good stead on more successful scenes. Signally failing in his next essay, at Fort Henry, on February 6, to throw his investing troops in overwhelming numbers around the garrison, in cooperation with the attack by Foote's flotilla, his soldiers, by inexcusable miscalculation, were four miles distant when the engagement opened. They did not reach the fort until it had been knocked to pieces and surrendered to Foote after a terrific cannonading of one hour and fifteen minutes. The garrison of 2610 men were, by this blunder, permitted to escape and march without hinderance to Fort Donelson, with a loss in sick, wounded, and captured of less than 200 men.

At Fort Donelson on the 15th of February, absent from his command, and miles away on board a steamer of the Cumberland flotilla when his army was being knocked to pieces by the desperate onslaught of Pillow, Johnson, Buckner,

and Forrest, arriving in the very crisis of defeat, when, as one of his lieutenants says, "crowds of men in blue, with anxious faces and empty cartridge-boxes, were running to the rear, and the cry, 'We are cut to pieces!' was sweeping down the lines, when panic was in the air"-just at this moment a halt was called along the Southern lines, and the troops thus far victorious were ordered back into the trenches, from which a few hours earlier they had sallied and fought with unequalled valor and persistence for this opening of escape. Had this army marched out then and there, as it might have done, or had it later in the night escaped, as we now know and shall prove it could have done, Shiloh and Vicksburg would not be named on the pages of history, nor that majestic and matchless mausoleum now lift its marble dome from the banks of the Hudson in the heart of the metropolis of the Western World!

Had Nathan Bedford Forrest been in command of that gallant army of Southerners, no one who has read aright the story of his remarkable career can believe for a moment that he would have ever permitted a surrender. He might have died, and many more might have died than fell there then, but there would have been no laying down of arms. When the final disaster came, and the commanding general notified him of the capitulation, his answer was, "I cannot and will not surrender my command or myself."

Thirteen thousand men, the living and unwounded remnant of that heroic army, tried in the balance and not found wanting, under the leadership of this undaunted and unconquerable soldier, would have marched out of Fort Donelson to swell the ranks of Albert Sidney Johnston. Who can question the assertion that these additional veterans at Shiloh would have crushed the army which triumphed there? With defeat and flight at Belmont, and the escape of the garrison at Fort Henry, had the Confederate troops at Fort Donelson also escaped, can it be doubted that General Grant would have fallen short of that great career which was made possible by the capitulation of Generals Floyd and Buckner?*

* The official records give the correspondence between Halleck and McClellan and Grant, and

The campaign which ended in the surrender of the greater portion of the Confederate troops at Fort Donelson, on the Cumberland River, on Sunday the 16th of February, 1862, may properly be said to have begun with the bombardment and capture of Fort Henry on the Tennessee River by General Ulysses S. Grant ten days earlier. On the 12th, dividing his army into three divisions, of which the first two numbered fifteen thousand men, Grant marched out on the two roads which run nearly parallel from Fort Henry to Fort Donelson, eleven miles distant; the third was loaded on transports, and started for the same destination by water, some two hundred miles down the Tennessee and up the Ohio and Cumberland. When the advance guard of the Federal army reached within about three miles of Fort Donelson, their approach was for the first time contested by the cavalry of Forrest. This officer, acting under orders from Brigadier-General Clark, had marched with his battalion to Fort Donelson, arriving on the 11th of February. Scarcely had he reported at headquarters when he was ordered by General Pillow (then in command) with three hundred of his troopers to make a reconnoissance in the direction of Fort Henry. About three miles out from Donelson he came in sight of a detachment of Federal cavalry, which he attacked with the same impetuosity that had carried everything before it in his first fight at Sacramento. The Union troopers were driven back in the direction of Fort Henry, losing two or three prisoners. Coming upon their infantry column, Forrest desisted from further pursuit, returned, and reported to his commander.

On the following morning, Wednesday, 12th, he was directed to advance over the same route, taking his own command, and, in addition, three companies of Kentucky cavalry under Captains Williams, Wilcox, and Hewey, and a battalion of mounted Tennesseeans under Lieutenant-Colonel Gantt, a cavalry force

show the expressed intention of Halleck and McClel lan to remove Grant and promote General Charles F. Smith in his place. One despatch of Halleck to Grant reads: "You will place Major-General C. F. Smith in command of the expedition, and remain yourself at Fort Henry, Why do you not obey my orders ?" In 1864 Sherman wrote to Grant, "Until you had won Donelson, I confess I was almost cowed,... but that admitted the ray of light which I have followed since."

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