In truth, there is no outlook in summer from the McKinley home where the eye doesn't meet verdure and flowers.

As to the dining-room, one glance at the long dining-table verifies what Fred, the colored majordomo of the Governor, would tell you, that "the family is two, but the table is set for twelve."

This shows the hospitality of the home.

If Mrs. McKinley becomes mistress of the White House, I don't believe any exigencies in the social life will be too much for her, accustomed, as she is, to constant entertaining. And her entertaining, mind you, is not confined to their Canton home. Mrs. McKinley goes everywhere the Governor goes, and all over America she has boundlessly entertained and been entertained.

Some one spoke of her possible White House duties. She shook her head and laughed.

"I've tried that once," she said, "and have ever since said I never wanted any longer duration of it. I was Lady of the White House for two weeks during Mrs. Hayes's absence.

"Mrs. Hayes and I had always been on most cordial terms, and I was as often at the White House as she at our hotel. So she persuaded me to stay there during a fortnight of unavoidable absence on her part during the season. And I repeat, the posi

tion is no slight tax."

Mrs. McKinley is an excellent hostess. She was either born with—although I don't believe anybody

is or she has learned the gift of listening and of bringing the guests out. And you know if one proves that you are clever you are convinced of the cleverness of the one who does so.

So people go away from the Governor's wife with a snug, comfortable conviction about the region of the heart that they have proved themselves most entertaining persons.

Wonderful gift, isn't it?

But no one would laugh more at the suggestion of such a trait on her part than Mrs. McKinley. "But, my dear, I am really so interested," she would say.

HER WOMAN'S RIGHTS.

When I said good-by to her I almost told her how charming she was. I hope my eyes told it to

her.

In the secret recesses of my better sense I knew I had been lured into staying too long, and yet her parting graciousness was such that my sub-coating of conceit was gratified. That is another straw which shows her power of making friends.

Going down the terrace, where the men portion of the callers sat on garden chairs, taking their ease while they talked on matters of quivering importance, I turned back to get a last glimpse of the favorite corner.

The setting sun touched the rose petals into prismatic colors and glinted on the yellow curls of a baby caller seated in one of the little chairs.

Mrs. McKinley sat in her large chair; in her firm white hand she held a great-hearted crimson rose; on her shoulder was lightly laid the hand of the man of the hour; back of her stood several powers in the affairs of the nation.

And I knew that whatever the political creed of those men, they believe in woman's rights—the right of their chivalry and tenderness and loyalty and devotion and homage to such a wide-minded, greathearted, fine-souled lady.

Of such is the kingdom of woman.

CHAPTER XVII.

THE CELEBRATED DUEL BETWEEN GLADSTONE AND BLAINE—MR. GLADSTONE'S CONTENTION AND MR. BLAINE'S ARGUMENT.

IN the North American Review of 1890 appeared remarkable papers under the head:

Mr. Gladstone referred to a tract on Free Trade Toilers and Starvation Wages for Working Men and Women, by an American gentleman, Mr. N. McKay of New York, who forwarded his production to the English statesman, and challenged from him an expression of opinion on the results of free trade in England and the relative value of free trade and protection to the English speaking people. Mr. Gladstone said there was an evident title to call upon him for he had given out years before an opinion, sincerely entertained, and that "the rolling years confirmed, that in international transactions the British nation enjoyed a commercial primacy, and no

*These extracts are reproduced by special permission of the proprietor of the North American Review.

country but the United States showed any capacity to wrest that position from his countrymen, and "that, if America shall frankly adopt and steadily maintain a system of free trade, she will by degrees, perhaps not slow degrees, outstrip us in the race, and will probably take the place which at present belongs to us; but that she will not injure us by the operation. On the contrary, she will do us good. Her freedom of trade will add to our present commerce and our present wealth, so that we shall be better than we now are. But while we obtain this increment, she will obtain another increment, so much larger than ours that it will both cover the minus quantity which, as compared with us, she at present exhibits in international transactions, and also establish a positive excess, possibly a large excess, in her own favor."

When Mr. Gladstone was thus challenged there was a Presidential election contest pending, but that was in 1888, and Protection had its victory-and therefore no longer stood "within the august shadow of the election, but must take her chance in the arena of discussion as a common combatant." The core of Mr. Gladstone's contention we give in his own language-that the full force of his statement may be fairly presented.

We have not space for his argument in detail, and only refer to it and make explanation of it that it may serve as an introduction to the reply by Mr. Blaine, which is a chapter of American history writ