can be said that the primitive structure has been the basis of the future organizations, although it has been corrected and adapted to conform to the favorable conditions which have followed. The importance of this organization can not be underestimated when we consider that the civil govern ment is the immediate representative of a sovereign people.

The territorial division was very deficient; this was due perhaps to the want of stability of our frontiers, which were continually invaded by columns operating at will without finding any resistance worth mentioning, for the contingent of the invading army took the best arms and ammunition of the troops of this territory, where, until then, only small expeditions had landed. The first of importance arrived on our shores on the 24th of March, 1896, under the command of Gen. Calixto Garcia. It can be seen, therefore, that this first problem was an arduous one.

The personnel was not up to the requirements. Some of the offices were held by country people of little instruction, and the subordinates in the prefectures and their clerks were not capable of fulfilling their responsible duties, which included judicial functions, notary business, administration, and police.

The interior roads for communication were not subject to system, nor to a perfect plan, the result of a thorough study of the different lines and their several branches, but they were drawn at random, and were far from satisfying the exigencies of rapidity and precision, so indispensable to military operations. The original personnel was still more deficient in this branch. The workshops, except in Tunas (and this due to the activity of Luis Marti, then lieutenant-governor of that district), failed to yield any positive results to the army. The scarcity of salt, with the exception of the foregoing district, could only be lessened with the small quantities of that article which through private sources were obtained from the towns occupied by the enemy.

Public education did not exist, nor was the provisioning of the army properly attended to.

A period of general expectancy followed after the withdrawal of the contingent. On its success it was thought that the success of the war depended. The so-called policy of moderation of Captain-General Arsenio Martinez Campos still kept in the towns many men and families who, sympathizing with the revolution, were not decided to come to it, not for fear of the enemy, but thinking that they would have to pass through the same hardships as in the last war.

The archives and the public offices, without order or system, were useful only to provide information to the headquarters. Our legislation then commencing, and very limited at that, hardly responded to actual necessities.

Finally, and as a culmination of such disequilibrium, the defenseless zones, without guards or police, were constantly exposed to abuses and disorders, to invasion or surprise.

Such was the condition of things in Oriente, and therefore the future of its government did not appear to be very bright.

II.

After the defeat of the Spaniards at Cauto, in the engagement of Maibio, on the 2d of February, 1896, I asked permission of the government council to make my first inspection trip to Cape Cruz, near Manzanillo.

I had matured a plan of organization inspired by the purest patriotism, based on the famous motto of the French republicans: "Liberty, equality, and fraternity."

Since then I have constantly inspected this vast territory without being deterred by any difficulties whatever. I have found everywhere support and aid from the military authorities, who vied with each other in their desire to give strength and prestige to the civil government, and the relations of the civil with the military authorities have been most cordial. In view of these facts, and in what refers to this Government, the assertions made by certain foreign authorities are of no value. These assertions are due to the calumnies of our enemies, or perhaps to the superficial information of their own officials.

In compliance with the laws, this Government has issued a series of "Regulations for the interior organizations of the prefectures;" also, "Regulating the relations of the prefectures and districts among themselves," "Rules for workshops," "Post-offices and cattle." Sanitary measures have been decreed, as well as those referring to commerce and on other points, in order to better carry out the general laws of the republic. Public instruction has been temporarily provided for; numerous families of Cuban patriots are already reaping benefit from it.

The government of the east has seen order and uniformity established throughout its jurisdiction, and by dint of perseverance and patriotism has attained a degree of perfection which can be judged from the positive facts hereinafter stated.

The territorial division is the result of a detailed study, enlightened by

observation, on the very ground of the necessity, and by the opinion of those interested, and of impartial experts.

As much can be said of the postal organization. The route consists of three mail lines, with branches radiating in all directions. A selected personnel, with commendable activity and zeal, has assured a considerable regularity and rapidity. As to the workshops and salt works, the details that you will find in this report are eloquent enough. I will say nothing of the territorial guards, a strictly civil institution, which protects the roads and prefectures; but I must mention as a model of valor and discipline the one operating in the district of Tunas, actually besieging the town, which it frequently fires upon.

I will here state that the situation of the enemy here is most precarious. He is confined to the towns, and exercises no control but over the limited surroundings of its fortresses. Consequently there is great misery and starvation, crime and immorality, in the enemy's territory. On the other hand, if we were to count only with the district of Manzanillo, to which I refer because in times of peace it was a cattle-raising country, we would have provisions in abundance for all the revolution.

Still more, this government has not had to deal with a single case of criminal homicide, nor a single theft of importance, nor a single case of banditism, the curse and terror of colonial days.

III.

From the River Jobabo to the point brightened by the rays of the lighthouse of Maise, about 300.000 souls live under the Cuban flag.

From this there should be excluded the five divisions of the first and second army corps, which fight bravely for the independence of Cuba; 4,000 civil employees, the members of the territorial guards, and the new immigration of the last months.

Holguin alone has more than 40,000 inhabitants, of which 9,200 are in one of its prefectures. Of this population the males work on the lands of the state fifteen days out of every month. Their labor is exclusively devoted to provide the army and certain public charges. The rest of their time is devoted to their affairs, such as the maintenance of their families, commerce in small scale of products and manufactures, on which the officers of the treasury collect a moderate duty.

The workshops throughout the districts have rendered excellent service in the matter of arms, carpenter work, saddlery, foundry, ropes, and shoes. Owing to the system in vogue until a short time ago, the labor of the artisans could not be fully estimated. The demand having increased, the production has been considerably augmented.

In the last months about 1,000 saddles have been manufactured, 20,000 pairs of shoes, and a great quantity of ammunition belts and straps, as can be seen by the last statements and receipts of the army.

The workshops of Mayari, Tunas, Holguin, and Manzanillo have specially distinguished themselves. The last-named district has contributed 2,225 pairs of shoes and other articles of prime necessity, produced by a relatively small number of workmen.

With the recent regulations, a minimum production of 8,000 pairs of shoes per month is assured. This does not include other articles manufactured in the workshops.

The salt produced in all the territory during the year that has just expired may be calculated at 30,000 quintals, of which 12,000 are due to the extraordinary activity of Luis Marti, lieutenant-governor of Holguin. In this amount are not included the several quantities that he has given to his neighbors. The salt works have been definitely organized by this government, and it is calculated by experts that they will yield 500 quintals per month, those of Bayamo 700, and those of Manzanillo 25 to 30 quintals a day.

Similar results I purpose to obtain with the elements which exist in each of the remaining districts. In the general list of civil employees and in the detailed reports, which at present are being prepared for the department of the interior, the government council may inform itself with greater accuracy of our work.

Finally, it can be guaranteed that the invincible fraction of the army of liberty, which, thoroughly equipped and commanded by illustrious veterans, gives battle and triumphs daily it can be guaranteed that, aided by the solid governmental and administrative mechanism, this extreme end of the island can never see its power diminished, even if all the troops of Spain in Cuba would attempt to conquer the aspirations of the people.

IV.

In the labor of organization and government the name of Luis Marti shines with commendable perseverance. As a reward to his extraordinary services to the army, the general in chief conferred on him the rank of lieutenant-colonel. I can only ask you to give a vote of thanks to this model officer.

The others have labored faithfully with increasing fervor and perseverance. To mention one would necessitate to mention all. The general statements speak of each one. Yet they do not say anything of those who accompany me day and night, who share with me the fatigues of eternal march; of those who, from the rising of the sun to the advanced hours of night, bend over the table of work, never rest, preaching the doctrine of love and perseverance-they have come to know by memory the creed of independence. For them there are no discouragements, no sufferings, no fear, no ambitions. They reflect an immaculate patriotism, always rebellious to the domination of Spain.

Contemplate, then, government councilors, the favorable condition of affairs in Oriente, which for many years was one of gold and blood, to-day the guarantor of the Cuban revolution.

Country and liberty.

Residence of the governor, 22d of January, 1897.

CARLOS MANUEL DE CESPEDES.

Mr. MORGAN. That is an interesting paper to inquirers after the truth, and it has been easily within the power of our Government to get others from three or four of the departments of the republic equally as explicit and important.

I now read a letter from a gentleman who has been in the field with President Cisneros for nearly two years:

NEW YORK, April 9, 1897.

DEAR SIR: It has been my privilege and pleasure to spend the greater part of the past two years with the "provisional government" in the capacity of a war correspondent, both for the World and the New York Herald. I am of course personally acquainted with President Salvador Cisneros and with the members of his cabinet, and am thoroughly familiar with the efficient work done by that most potent, although unrecognized, insurgent government. I can testify not only to its existence, but to the support given it by the people of Cuba libre. I am not a Cuban, but an American, born of Amer ican parents in the State of Louisiana. The foreign editor of the Herald, Mr. Jackson, the managing editor of the New York World, Mr. Bradford Merrill, and Col. Robert G. Ingersoll will, I am sure, vouch for my integrity. Now, if my testimony before the Committee on Foreign Relations, or anyone else, will be of service in aiding a just cause, I will gladly come to Washington at any time and place myself at your disposal.

I will now read the part of it which relates to Cisneros's operations:

Inclosed you will find the proof sheets of an article descriptive of President Cisneros and his cabinet, together with some details which may prove of interest. In my estimation the collection of taxes and the establishment of public schools by the insurgent government of the Cuban Republic are very significant facts. In the capacity of a correspondent I accompanied the tax collectors throughout most of the province of Puerto Principe and witnessed the orders cheerfully given by the planters and cattle raisers of that province. These orders were converted into drafts and have been honored by the banks of New York City:

I have myself seen thousands of dollars thus paid into the treasury of the Republic of Cuba. To my certain knowledge over $400,000 of money thus collected has been forwarded to this city. The civil governor of the department of Camaguey or Puerto Principe is young Bernabe Sanchez, son of the English consul at Nuevitas, and himself worth over a million dollars. I have ridden with him over hundreds of miles of territory and noted the excellent work done under his direction.

I have seen the establishment of public schools for the first time in Cuba, and have watched the distribution of pamphlets and proclamations issued by the civil government for the purpose of encouraging and enlightening the poor people of Cuba libre. It would take a volume to tell of all the excellent work done by the civil government of the Cuban Republic.

I will read a portion of his article, the proof sheets of which he sent to me, which will appear to-morrow, if it has not done so today, in the New York Herald:

It is a favorite assertion of the enemies of Cuban independence that there exists among the insurgents in Spain's war-ridden colony no practical system of government. Such a view of the present state of the Cuban Republic is, as can be shown from personal observation by the writer, wholly untenable.

Salvador Cisneros is the president and chief executive of the Cuban Republic, rightly so called. It has fallen to the writer's lot to dwell in the tents of President Cisneros and to study attentively the admirable system of rule by him established throughout his native island.

PRESIDENT IN FACT.

Although known as the Marquis of Santa Lucia, Salvador Cisneros is, by temperament and tuition, a democrat. In spite of his being descended from a long line of Spanish nobility, he was born a democrat. In 1846 he first came to this country to study the great principles which underlie the foundation of this Republic. To give Cuba a government like it is the ambition of his life. He is far from being, as some people in this country are inclined to believe, a president in name only-a mere figurehead. He is a president in fact, the executive head of the million and a quarter of people on the island who are either farming or fighting for the success of the "army of liberation."

As in the United States, the president is the commander-in-chief of the forces on land and sea, and on his shoulders rests the actual responsibility for the conduct of the war and the establishment of a permanent and enduring republic. Although Cisneros is a man of pronounced character and marked independence, he is far from being a dictator. Between him and Generals Gomez and Garcia there is a degree of mutual dependence and cooperation which has made the revolution almost free from the hitches and blunders which have occurred in similar uprisings in many of the South and Central American countries. Of jealousies among the leaders there have been none. The cause of liberty is too sacred to permit it. Occasional differences of opinion and friendly clashes are unavoidable, but the one great end in view enforces harmony in all branches, civil and military.

The constitution of the Republic of Cuba is constructed along the same lines as our own. The broad principles of democracy which inspired Thomas Jefferson are to be found all through its text. Salvador Cisneros saw that they were incorporated in it, and has placed copies of the document in the hands of every prefecto" and "subprefecto," with instructions to read them to the free people of "Cuba Libre."

No sooner did the first notes of battle come down from the hills of Oriente than this old veteran made preparations to go to the front. He had sacrificed everything-lands, wealth, position, and title-on the altar of liberty, and when General Gomez crossed the frontier into Camaguey, Salvador Cisneros was there to welcome him. This patriotic old man of 70 years had mounted his horse and ridden out of the city of Puerto Principe, with fifteen companions, eager to devote the remainder of his life to the freedom of his country.

HOW INSURGENT CUBA IS ADMINISTERED.

The people, through the assembly convened in the following September, elected him president of the provisional government, and in that capacity he has worked quietly and faithfully for nearly two years. The result of this labor may not be apparent to the outside world, but its benefits are most obvious to a traveler through the interior of Cuba.

The entire island has been divided, first, into what are known as civil districts, with a civil governor over each. These civil districts are divided into "prefectos" and "subprefectos," the latter usually about 3 miles square, and officers known as "prefectos" and "subprefectos," appointed by the government, are in charge of their respective territories.

Each has his official seal and functions carefully prescribed by the constitution. It is his duty to instantly notify the nearest body of insurgent troops of the approach and strength of any Spanish column and to furnish "practicos," or guides, whenever called upon. If an insurgent force camps in his district, it is his duty to furnish, so far as possible, any food they may need. To all complaints or requests for food, clothes, or medicines, coming from families whose fathers or sons may be fighting for "Cuba libre," he must lend an ever-willing ear, and if it is impossible to satisfy the requirements of the case, it is his duty to inform his "prefectura," and he in turn relies upon the support of the civil governor.

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. PASCO in the chair). The hour of 2 o'clock having arrived, it is the duty of the Chair to lay before the Senate the unfinished business, which will be stated. The SECRETARY. A bill (S. 1035) to establish uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United States.

Mr. MORGAN. Unless there is objection, I will proceed to the close of my remarks, which will not take me long. I wish to say now that at the close of my remarks to-day I will have nothing further to urge in favor of this resolution. The parts of four days I have occupied this floor have been purposely occupied

1

in a presentation of the facts and the law as I have gathered them and as I understand them as a necessary foundation for this very important movement.

The Senate of the United States can not afford to pass a resolution of this gravity without having a proper, firm foundation to support its action. The people of the United States require it, and it is due from the Senate that they should receive that kind of investigation of this great issue. I have been compelled, contrary to my personal comfort and my wishes, to devote a great deal of time in putting upon the records of the country those facts which have not hitherto fully and authentically appeared. Some of the facts that I am now stating to the Senate are new to us, and have been sought for by this body on former occasions when this matter has been up for consideration.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The request is that the pending order be informally laid aside, in order that the Senator from Alabama may conclude his remarks. The Chair hears no objection, and the Senator from Alabama will proceed.

Mr. MORGAN. The article of Mr. Reno proceeds as follows: If this official is unable to cope with the difficulty, he must appeal to the secretary of the interior, and lastly to the president of the republic. The latter is easily approached at all times by the poorest peasant in the land, and is simply worshiped by the people at large.

The carrying and distribution of mail matter by means of mounted messengers, who traverse the interior, is both efficient and rapid. President Cisneros told me that twenty-four hours after the passage of the concurrent resolution by our Congress last spring the news was received by him at his headquarters in Najassa, province of Camaguey.

A MOVABLE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT.

Strange as it may seem, the "Marques" (the name by which he is most frequently called) becomes most restless if long compelled to remain in camp at any one place. He loves to travel about; to visit the civil governors and prefectos of different districts; to talk with the people, or, better still, to accompany the forces of Gomez or Garcia, and watch the military movements from day to day.

With an escort of only fifty men, he has many times made the trip from Santa Clara to Santiago de Cuba and back again. And it is this penchant for moving about and changing camp which has given rise to the absolutely groundless report that the provisional government was being driven by the Spanish forces from one part of the island to another, and was always in danger of capture.

During the month of July last there were laid before President Cisneros the advantages which, it was thought, would accrue should he see fit to establish a permanent headquarters or seat of government at some given placeNajassa, Cubitas, or even in the mountains of the "Oriente."

Generals Garcia and Rabi supported these suggestions most heartily, but the Marques, while he admitted that such a permanent location of the government could be easily defended, and that a certain increase of dignity might follow, still did not take kindly to the idea. The provisional government had traveled about and shared the dangers of battle during the "tenyears war," and he saw no sufficient reason to change his tactics.

"We are doing good work," he said. "You have seen the evidences of our administration on every hand, and you found no difficulty in reaching us, nor will anyone else. If the United States or any country will send an agent, officially or socially, to visit and inspect the administration and execution of our laws in Cuba libre,' we will not only conduct him here, but we will entertain him so long as he cares to stop, and provide for his return in safety whenever he may wish to depart."

There is a quiet and unconscious dignity about Salvador Cisneros's life in the woods which seems almost pathetic. Seated on a leather camp stool, or more frequently standing, he receives the constant stream of officers and messengers who come to bring reports from civil governors and commanders in different parts of the island. These are duly filed and copied by his two secretaries, Manolo and Diego Betancourt. Long after dark these industrious brothers may be seen recording in huge government ledgers the events of the day. Yellow home-made wax candles, with the lower half coiled into a base, furnish a weird light by which the struggles of patriotic and desperate people are transmitted to the pages of Cuba's history.