In former times, what happened after a great war? The conqueror levied a heavy war tax on the conquered and occupied his land until it was paid, after which life went on again in the usual way, as if nothing had happened. Many quite intelligent people thought it would be the same this time. But the great difference this time is that Germany's debt surpasses anything that had yet been owed by a nation. The close solidarity which the progress of civilization has established between all nations, between the conquered and the conquerors, in spite of the hatred which divides them, was not taken into account. But this solidarity is so strong that one of the conquerors, the British, has come to the conclusion that it would be to his interest to cancel the 14,000,000,000 gold francs owed by France, as well as all the billions owed by Italy, Rumania, Serbia, and Russia, and even to cancel Germany's 30,000,000,000 gold marks which she owes for reparations.

BOOK REVIEWS

INTERNATIONAL LAW CHIEFLY AS INTERPRETED AND APPLIED BY THE UNITED STATES. By Charles Cheney Hyde. Little, Brown and Company, Boston, 1922. Two volumes. Pp. I-LIX, 1-832, I-XXVII, 1-925. $25.00.

The purpose of this important work appears in the title, and it is not lost sight of at any time throughout the 1,757 pages. This is no mere history of American diplomacy, no theoretical analysis of a possible foreign policy, no familiar digest of state papers or arbitrations; there is no assumption that American international law is a thing apart from the society of civilized States. We have here rather a dignified, scientific exposition of what America has in practice understood international law to be. Documentary evidence, diplomatic correspondence, decisions of courts, acts of Congress, publications of the War and Navy Departments and other government agencies, treaties-such are the materials sought out with painstaking care and made use of. The author has searched to find America's conception of international law; he has found it as no other writer heretofore. The first thirteen pages deal with certain aspects of international law, following which the text deals with the classification of States, their equality, freedom, structure, and composition. There follows an analysis of the normal rights and duties of States, such as the right to political independence, to property and control, to jurisdiction within the national domain and on the high seas. One section is devoted to diplomatic intercourse of States, the rights and duties of ministers, financial negotiations; another part to the consular service. Approximately one hundred pages of volume 2 relate to agreements between States, the nature of contractual obligations, validity, negotiation and conclusion, the operation and enforcement of treaties, and the like. The remainder of volume 2 relates to international differences and to questions of war and peace.

We can find no serviceable adverse criticism of these most valuable volumes. The author, a member of the Executive Committee of the American Peace Society, is professor of international law at Northwestern University, a member of the Executive Council of the American Society of International Law, Associate Editor of the American Journal of International Law, and a practitioner in international law with offices in Washington and Chicago. His experience plus fifteen years of arduous labor has made it possible for him to lay before us here with exactness the attitude of our government in all questions of international law. To say here more of this work would be superfluous; to say less would be inexact.

TIMELY TOPICS. By Theodore Whitefield Hunt. Pp. i-viii, 1-224. Princeton University Press, Princeton, N. J. The author of these documents is professor of English, emeritus, Princeton University. He accomplishes his aim of presenting a series of discussions on vital topics of civic interest, national and international. It is a book both of investigation and interpretation, developing the thesis that "if democracy in America is to succeed, it can only be brought about by the agency of level-headed Americans, who think straight and act accordingly.”

THE A, B, C's oF DISARMAMENT AND THE PACIFIC PROBLEMS. By Arthur Bullard. Pp. i-viii, 1-122. The Macmillan Company. $1.25.

This is a series of twelve articles, originally appearing in the New York Times, by the author of a number of books, among which are "The Diplomacy of the Great War" and "The Russian Pendulum." We do not agree with the author, that there are three main possibilities which may result from the Washington conference, namely, "a League of Nations, an Anglo-Japanese Alliance, failure"; but we do agree that the well-informed writer of this little book has rendered a service at a time when that service is needed.

TURKEY-A WORLD PROBLEM OF TODAY. By Talcott Williams. Pp. i-viii, 1-324; index, 327-336. Doubleday, Page and Company, Garden City, N. Y.

This is a polemical array of facts by the former director of the School of Journalism, Columbia University. The major part of the twenty-eight chapters originally appeared as lectures before the Lowell Institute of Boston early in 1920. The author develops his favorite thesis, that the United States should accept a mandatary from the League of Peace for Asiatic Turkey and Constantinople. The chimerical quality of his aim does not detract from the newspaperish English of the book, nor from the zestfulness of the interest which his originality collars and compels.

IN OCCUPIED BELGIUM. By Robert Withington. The Cornhill Publishing Co., Boston. Pp. 173. Appendices on deportations. Illustrated. $1.50.

Mr. Withington was associated with the Commission for Relief in Belgium. He has given here the story of the months he spent in the little land which suffered so grievously and so innocently, and it is a story of the days when the Germans were in their might. Simple, sincere, unpretentious and lacking in bitterness, it is a story in which one may profitably invest a spare hour or two, even now, when all seems to have been written about Belgium in her stricken days that needs to be written. The book is a series of little sketches, in which the interesting note of the intelligent diarist appears frequently. And very often there is a photographic quality in these short sketches that the author of many a more ambitious book might envy.

By

STEPS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF AMERICAN DEMOCRACY. Andrew Cunningham McLaughlin. The Abingdon Press, New York. Pp. 210. Introduction and preface.

This book embraces a series of addresses delivered by Professor McLaughlin, of the University of Chicago. They deal with the institutions of the nation, the problems of the day, and the means of solving the problems in accord with the spirit of the institutions. Beginning with the emergence of American principles in the Colonial period, Professor MeLaughlin traces development through the Revolutionary period, the days when the Constitution was being created and interpreted, the democracy taught by Jefferson, and that taught by Jackson, and so on to the slavery conflict and the issues of the period after the Civil War, coming to a close with current questions. It is an informative and stimulating series of discussions.

1. To institute Conferences of Nations, to meet at stated intervals, in continuation of the first two conferences of The Hague; and

To facilitate the labors of such conferences; to invite accredited institutions devoted to the study of international law, to prepare projects for the consideration of governments, in advance of submission to the conferences; in order

To restate and amend, reconcile and clarify, extend and advance, the rules of international law, which are indispensable to the permanent establishment and the successful administration of justice between and among nations.

II. To convoke, as soon as practicable, a conference for the advancement of international law; to provide for its organization outside of the domination of any one nation or any limited group of nations; to which conference every nation recognizing, accepting, and applying international law in its relations with other nations shall be invited and in which all shall participate upon a footing of equality.

III. To establish an Administrative Council, to be composed of the diplomatic representatives accredited to the government of the State in which the conference for the advancement of international law convenes; which representatives shall, in addition to their ordinary functions as diplomatic agents, represent the common interests of the nations during the interval between successive conferences; and to provide that

The president of the Administrative Council shall, according to diplomatic usage, be the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the country in which the conference convenes ; An advisory committee shall be appointed by the Administrative Council from among its members, which shall meet at short, regular, and stated periods;

The chairman of the advisory committee shall be elected by its members;

The advisory committee shall report the result of its labors to the Administrative Council;

The members of the Administrative Council, having considered the report of the advisory committee, shall transmit their findings or recommendations to their respective governments, together with their collective or individual opinions, and that they shall act thereafter upon such findings and recommendations only in accordance with instructions from the governments which they represent.

IV. To authorize the Administrative Council to appoint, outside its own members, an executive committee or secretary's office to perform such duties as the conference for the advancement of international law, or the nations shall from time to time prescribe; and to provide that

The executive committee or secretary's office shall be under the supervision of the Administrative Council;

The executive committee or secretary's office shall report to the Administrative Council at stated periods.

V. To empower the Administrative Council to appoint other committees for the performance of such duties as the nations in their wisdom or discretion shall find it desirable to impose.

VI. To furnish technical advisers to assist the Administrative Council, the advisory committee, or other committees appointed by the council, in the performance of their respective duties, whenever the appointment of such technical advisers may be necessary or desirable, with the understanding that the request for the appointment of such experts may be made by the conference for the advancement of international law or by the Administrative Council.

VII. To employ good offices, mediation, and friendly composition wherever feasible and practicable, in their own disputes, and to urge their employment wherever feasible and practicable, in disputes between other nations.

VIII. To organize a Commission of Inquiry of limited membership, which may be enlarged by the nations in dispute, to which commission they may refer, for investigation and report, their differences of an international character, unless they are otherwise bound to submit them to arbitration or to other form of peaceful settlement; and To pledge their good faith to abstain from any act of force against one another pending the investigation of the commission and the receipt of its report; and

To reserve the right to act on the report as their respective interests may seem to them to demand; and

To provide that the Commission of Inquiry shall submit its report to the nations in controversy for their action, and to the Administrative Council for its information.

IX. To create a Council of Conciliation of limited membership, with power on behalf of the nations in dispute to add to its members, to consider and to report upon such questions of a non-justiciable character, the settlement whereof is not otherwise prescribed, which shall from time to time be submitted to the Council of Conciliation, either by the powers in dispute or by the Administrative Council; and to provide that

The Council of Conciliation shall transmit its proposals to the nations in dispute, for such action as they may deem advisable, and to the Council of Administration for its information.

X. To arbitrate differences of an international character not otherwise provided for, and in the absence of an agreement to the contrary, to submit them to the Permanent Court of Arbitration at The Hague, in order that they may be adjusted upon a basis of respect for law, with the understanding that disputes of a justiciable nature may likewise be referred to the Permanent Court of Arbitration when the parties in controversy prefer to have their differences settled by judges of their own choice, appointed for the occasion.

XI. To set up an international court of justice with obligatory jurisdiction, to which, upon the failure of diplomacy to adjust their disputes of a justiciable nature, all States shall have direct access-a court whose decisions shall bind the litigating States, and, eventually, all parties to its creation, and to which the States in controversy may submit, by special agreement, disputes beyond the scope of obligatory jurisdiction.

XII. To enlarge from time to time the obligatory jurisdiction of the Permanent Court of International Justice by framing rules of law in the conferences for the advancement of international law, to be applied by the court for the decision of questions which fall either beyond its present obligatory jurisdiction or which nations have not hitherto submitted to judicial decision.

XIII. To apply inwardly international law as a rule of law for the decision of all questions involving its principles, and outwardly to apply international law to all questions arising between and among all nations, so far as they involve the Law of Nations.

XIV. To furnish their citizens or subjects adequate instruction in their international obligations and duties, as well as in their rights and prerogatives;

To take all necessary steps to render such instruction effective; and thus

To create that "international mind" and enlightened public opinion which shall persuade in the future, where force has failed to compel in the past, the observance of those standards of honor, morality, and justice which obtain between and among individuals, bringing in their train law and order, through which, and through which alone, peace between nations may become practicable, attainable, and desirable.

VOL. 84

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

Edited by Arthur Deerin Call

Published since 1834 by

THE AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY

(1815-1828)

Suite 612-614 Colorado Building, Washington, D. C. (Cable address, "Ampax, Washington") PUBLISHED MONTHLY, EXCEPT SEPTEMBER

Sent free to all members of the American Peace Society. Separate Subscription Price. $2.00 a year. Single copies, twenty cents each.

Entered as Second-Class Matter, June 1, 1911, at the Post-Office at Washington, D. C., under the act of July 16, 1894. Acceptance for mailing at special rate of postage provided for in Section 1103. Act of October 3. 1917, authorized August 10, 1918.

It being impracticable to express in these columns the divergent views of the thousands of members of the American Peace Society, full responsibility for the utterances of this magazine is assumed by the Editor.

THIS SOCIETY

F WE ARE TO GET the $15,000 under the terms of the

I offer of the Carnegie Endowment for International

Peace, it will be necessary for the friends of the American Peace Society to come forward with approximately $5,000 between now and June 30, 1922.

HE PAMPHLET, The Federal Convention of 1787,

No. 4

THE FOUNDATIONS OF OUR FAITH

NE'S VIEWS are inevitably colored by one's experiences. American opinions of international behavior, when such opinions become generally articulate, will necessarily reflect the thing that is America. The thing that is America has followed a course zigzagging now toward anarchy, and then toward tyranny. Phrased in milder terms, our course has been sometimes toward a perfect freedom of the nation's parts and sometimes toward a perfect centralization of government. It is the genius of democracy to be more afraid of too much government than of too much freedom.

Just now the drift is away from State and local selfgovernment toward control from a central authority. The familiar suspicions of an overcentralized federal bureaucracy have waned. Sentimentalists, cranks, jobhunters, and perfectly lovely folk are trying to make the American people believe not only in the efficacy of a paternal government, but the necessity of a maternal government as well-and at the moment they are succeeding surprisingly well. It seems to be an easy and a natural thing for shiftless persons and States to pass responsibility and power on to some one else. And that some one else, in this case the Federal Government, is not loath to accept the new powers; it gobbles them. American political philosophy reflects this time-spirit. Thoughtful students of American history are disturbed. It may be that our American experiment, our Union

contributed for its publication will be doubled by the terms of the Carnegie Endowment's offer. An investment opportunity indeed! We are told that every highschool and college student, every member of State and national legislature should have this epitome of America's contribution to a governed world. Only money is needed.

away. It may be that our American Government will become simply a federal bureaucracy, the States and the people contenting themselves to be run from Washington. We may become just another canonical autocracy. But we do not believe it. We prefer to believe that our Union will remain a Union, and that the fundamental structures of America are enduring.

The American Peace Society has just sent out a little. pamphlet briefly reviewing the Federal Convention of 1787. Returns are just beginning to arrive. One professor of social and political science in one of our oldest New England universities writes of it: "I would ask for 125 copies to distribute to my classes in political science." There are other letters of the same kind. number of schools have already recommended it as a supplementary text. A well-known author writes:

A

"I wish to express my thanks and appreciation. Your booklet, "The Federal Convention of 1787,' has been re

ceived and examined. You ask for 'criticisms.' No, I am inclined to believe that quite so much vitally interesting American history was never before presented in so condense a form. The whole make-up is admirable. You may think I exaggerate, but the suggestion you speak of is this, as an old scholar in the half-digested records of our nation,--there is not a historical library, nor a student digging into our foundations that ought not to obtain a copy of this book of ready reference."

We would not exaggerate the history of our American Union as an object-lesson for the divergent and wartorn nations of the world. The analogy between the thirteen free, sovereign, and independent States of America in 1787, with their propinquities and common interests on the one hand, and the diversities between nations of today, many of them far remote, on the other, is not a complete and perfect analogy. But the difference is only a difference in degree. If we compare the problems discussed and passed upon in Philadelphia in 1787 to problems in arithmetic, then the problems between America and Russia, France and Germany, Japan and China, are problems simply of higher mathematics. The principles involved, the axioms upon which they rest, are the same.

We grant that the solution of international problems is not a matter of organization alone; that it is a matter of sentiment also. But organization and sentiment are inseparable and reciprocal. Tying our States together into a federal Union helped the creation of a united sentiment, but the growth of a united sentiment was a prerequisite of the permanent success of our Union. In the first years under our Constitution, political parties were State parties-Republican and Constitutional parties in Pennsylvania, Schuyler and Clinton and Livingston factions in New York, etc.-and the realignment of all these parties was a long political step toward a real Union. But the Union, because of common interests, sentiments and ideals, became a Union not only in a political sense, but a Union of interests, sentiments, and ideals.

True, Hungarians and Rumanians do not feel toward each other as do Jerseyites and New Yorkers. They of eastern Europe rather have a penchant for cutting each other's throats, instead of contenting themselves with rivalries, theater-jokes, and occasional bad language. True, federal organization is not in and of itself a panacea. Greek federal organization did not prevent the Athenians from spearing the Corinthians. Indeed, at the time it seemed to require the iron hand of Rome to straighten out the anarchy in Hellas. But if Greece went to pieces because of too much freedom, Rome in turn broke up for the want of it.

Analogies are never complete, but the outstanding fact is that America has been an experiment in the na

ture of a Union of States. Peace is now maintained between the States. The experiment has been tried long enough to make us hopeful that that peace will continue. In any event, the United States of America constitutes the one outstanding successful Union of States which has endured for over a century.

If only the peacemakers of Paris in 1918-19 had permitted themselves to dwell for a few moments upon the lessons learned and taught at Philadelphia in 1787. there would not now be a torn and bleeding Europe all but hopeless, all but destroyed.

T

THE GENOA CONFERENCE

HE CONFERENCE of European nations met at Genoa Monday, April 10. From what we are able to learn, Lloyd-George combines in himself the forces represented by both Mr. Harding and Mr. Hughes at the Washington Conference. If the British Prime Minister is playing politics, he is playing high politics, and, withal, so far successful. With the conference as his chief proposal, he met with the approval of his government. If his motive be wholly political, it cannot be wholly condemned for that reason. Political motives are not necessarily criminal. Even if he were thinking only of British trade, an enlightened self-interest will make it necessary for him to promote means for the reconstruction of the other European powers. Trade depends upon customers, and customers are negligible unless they can buy.

Manifestly, the initiative in the economic restoration of Europe will not be left to the Little Entente, to the Baltic States, or to the Central Powers, if Great Britain, France, and Italy can help it. Lloyd-George and Briand came to a meeting of minds upon this principle when they met in January at Cannes. And yet they saw clearly then what we all see clearly now, that the big fellows must, in an important sense, give in to the little ones. They must aid. And this aid must be concrete and definite. To be precise, it must consist of long-term credits plus confidence. Of course, the armies-Russian, French, and Balkan-must be cut to the bone; the budgets must be balanced; the people must be persuaded to work, where they have not already done so; the issuance of fiat money must be stopped. These are A, B, C's of European rehabilitation. But the big thing is to stop quarreling and to help each other.

Manifestly, the work at Genoa will be done by the big States. Already a "Big Four" holds the reins, a group made up of Lloyd-George, Barthou, Schanzer, Jaspar. The disposition will be to omit reference to the Treaty of Versailles, to avoid stepping on the toes of the Reparations Committee, and to handle Russia with discretion.