III

THE WORK OF THE WASHINGTON CONFERENCE
AND THE CONTINUATION OF THAT WORK
WITH A VIEW TO THE ECONOMIC RE-
CONSTRUCTION OF THE WORLD
A

(Report by Hon. THEODORE E. BURTON, Member of the House of Representatives, United States of America)

The members of the Inter-Parliamentary Union express their keenest satisfaction because of the results accomplished by the Conference for the Limitation of Armaments recently assembled at Washington. We register our unqualified approval of the treaty limiting naval construction and of that providing, in the event of war, for the protection of neutrals and non-combatants at sea, including also a prohibition of the use of asphyxiating gases. We recognize in the treaty, signed by the United States, the British Empire, France, and Japan, a promise of future peace in the Pacific Ocean and the Far East. We most cordially commend the treaty executed by the representatives of the nine countries present at Washington, agreeing to respect the sovereignty, the independence, and the territorial and administrative integrity of China.

The Inter-Parliamentary Union most heartily endorses the work of the said conference, as well as all treaties or agreements looking to the prevention of war or the establishment of amicable relations, and, true to its historic mission, pledges anew the support of its members, for the promotion of the peaceful settlement of international controversies, the codification and wider acceptance of the principles of international law, and for every movement for more helpful co-operation among the nations here represented.

B

(Amendment Proposed by M. TORRIGIANI, Italian Senator)

The XXth Conference of the Inter-Parliamentary Union notes with the greatest satisfaction the initiative taken by the Government of Chili with regard to the inscription on the agenda of the next Pan-American Conference of a proposal for the limitation of armaments, and expresses its good wishes for the success of the New World in the work of international co-operation and in the firmer establishment of peace.

IV

INTELLECTUAL CO-OPERATION

(Report by Mr. FERDINAND BUISSON, French Deputy) The XXth Inter-Parliamentary Conference expresses the wish that, in the interest of science and intellectual cooperation, all scientific congresses shall be open to scientists and men of letters of all countries without distinction of nationality.

V

THE QUESTION OF DISARMAMENT (Reports by M. MARIUS MOUTET, French Deputy, and Dr. MUNCH, Danish Deputy)

Α

The XXth Inter-Parliamentary Conference considering that the World War has demonstrated the failure of the

maxim "If thou wishest for peace, prepare for war," by showing that armed peace is in itself a cause of war; considering that all through the war the nations were inspired by the thought that they were fighting for the last of all wars, for the end of militarism and of the state of armed peace; seeing that the peace treaties and the state of the world after the war have not fulfilled the hopes and aspirations of the nations; that, having imposed disarmament on the vanquished, the victor countries have themselves retained the system of standing armies, and that organizations whose aim is an armed "revanche" are in active existence in some of the vanquished countries, though their importance is strongly exaggerated, and that this state of affairs furnishes each group of nations with the mutual pretext of national security as argument for the maintenance of the system of armed peace; considering, moreover, that in eastern Europe powerful armies, recruited in the name of a new utopia, also threaten the general peace; considering that in the present economic situation of the world the crushing burden of naval and military expenditure prevents the recovery of the nations and the reconstruction of the ruins caused by the war; seeing that the object of the League of Nations is to prevent conflicts and to enforce respect of the right-expresses the hope that the Assembly of the League of Nations will vote resolutions favorable to general disarmament; that the work of the Committee for the Reduction of Armaments will be carried on until a complete scheme for disarmament has been evolved, which shall be immediately applicable to all countries by the limitation and the gradual reduction of military and naval expenditure, the reduction of man-power and of stocks of arms and munitions, the State monopoly of the manufacture of arms and munitions, and the prohibition of private trade in arms.

B

Further, this conference expresses the hope that the general Assembly of the League of Nations will submit to the different governments the suggestion that an international organization be created which shall see to the payment of reparations, the settlement of claims between nations on the basis of the treaties, and the economic reconstruction of the world by an international canceling of debts and the issue of international loans, such an organization to take the place of the system of reparations as established by the peace treaties, founded on direct contact between nations and admitting of the possibility for a group of nations, or a single nation, to have recourse to compulsion by force.

C

(Proposed by Mr. MADDISON, Member of the British Group)

In view of the disastrous effects of military conscription, both in peace and war, this conference is of opinion that its universal abolition would be conducive to the peace of the world, and it notes with satisfaction that, through the peace treaties and by voluntary action, it has been discontinued in a number of countries.

The XXth Inter-Parliamentary Conference therefore instructs the Bureau to transmit the present resolution to the Council of the League of Nations, with a request that the question of the general abolition of military conscription may be included in the measures to be taken towards a reduction of armaments, according to the Covenant of the League.

WASHINGTON MONUMENT, BUDAPEST, HUNGARY,
SEPTEMBER 2, 1922

1. Senator McKinley; 2. Mrs. Montague; 3. Representative Montague; 4. Mrs. Clifford; 5. Senator Spencer; 6. Mrs. W. H. Smith.

ELECTIONS

Delegates from the Groups to the Council for the Year Dating from the XXth to the XXIst Conferences.

United States of America: Messrs. McKinley and Burton.

Austria: Messrs. Mataja and Waber.

Belgium: Messrs. La Fontaine and Anseele.
Bulgaria: Messrs. Athanassoff and Molloff.

Canada: Messrs. Dandurand and Sir G. Foster.

Chili: Messrs. Freire and Rivas Vicuna.
Czecho-Slovakia: Messrs. Hodza and Winter.
Denmark: Messrs. Moltesen and Borgbjerg.

Dutch Indies: Messrs. Galestin and Valkenburg.

Esthonia: Messrs. Martna and Anderkoop.

Finland: Messrs. Mantere and Procopé.

France: Messrs. Buisson and Moutet.

Germany: Messrs. Eickhoff and Schüking.

Great Britain: Messrs. Lord Weardale and Sir James Agg-Gardner.

Greece: Messrs. Baltazzi and Typaldo Bassia. Hungary: Count Apponyi and de Berzeviczy. (Substitutes: MM. de Lukacs and de Miklos.) Italy Messrs. Ferraris and Celesia. Japan: Messrs. Imaizumi and Masaki.

Norway: Messrs. Michelet and Mowinckel.

Netherlands: Messrs. Koolen and Rutgers.

Poland: Messrs. Dembinski and Mlle. Kosmanowska.
Portugal: (Nominations not yet received.)

Rumania (Nominations not yet received.)

Spain: Messrs. H. E. the Marquis de San Ildefonso and H. E. the Marquis de Alhucemas.

Sweden: Messrs. Baron Adelswärd and Branting. Switzerland: Messrs. Scherrer-Füllemann and de Meuron. Turkey (Nominations not yet received.)

Yujo-Slavia: (Nominations not yet received.)

The Council elected Lord Weardale Honorary President and Baron Adelswärd (Sweden), President of the Council for the year dating from the XXth to the XXIst Conferences, and the Executive Committee nominated M. ScherrerFüllemann (Switzerland) to take the place of the President in the absence of the latter or on his death. The Council elected M. Rutty (Geneva), Conseiller aux Etats, Treasurer of the Union, and MM. van Kol (Holland) and Mataja (Austria) auditors.

The conference elected MM. Ferdinand Buisson (France) and Count Apponyi (Hungary) members of the Executive Committee, to take the place of M. Schanzer, Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs, the retiring member, and Baron Adelswärd, elected President of the Council, respectively.

Post Conference Experiences

THE TRIP TO BUDAPEST

Upon the invitation of the Hungarian Parliamentarians, some 250, including the American party, excepting Representatives Burton and Temple, who went from Vienna to Geneva, left Friday morning, September 1, on the royal yacht Zsofia, sailing down the Danube to Budapest, where they arrived at 9 o'clock in the evening. Following their arrival, there was a late evening reception by the Hungarian National Assembly in the Parliament Building, leading government officials being in

charge. During the reception a band furnished music from a boat on the Danube below the balcony of the reception rooms. It is proper to speak of this occasion as a brilliant affair. Saturday, September 2, the guests visited the beautiful Royal Palace across the river in Pest, the Matthias Cathedral, the Fisher-Bastion stairway, and, later, the Museum of Agriculture in Buda. Luncheon was served at Lake Terrace. During the luncheon brief addresses were given by representatives of the various parliaments present, Senator McKinley speaking for America. Following the luncheon, there were visits to the exposition of vine culture, the Zoological Garden, the Art Gallery, and other places. Some visited the "wagon-dwellers," sometimes facetiously referred to as "Gypsies," the hundreds of families returned to Hungary by Jugoslavia. They are living there now in box cars near the various railroad stations, a vivid picture of the hates and woes of Europe. In the evening there was a reception at the palace of the President of the Cabinet Council, Prime Minister Count Stephen Bethlen. Sunday, September 3, a number availed themselves of the invitation of the Hungarian Government and took motor rides through the Hungarian province.

AMERICANS GO TO BELGRADE

The following members of the American Group, accepting the invitation of the Jugoslav Government, who sent a special car to meet them at the border, left on the morning of September 3 for Belgrade: Senator McKinley, Miss Mattis, Mrs. Smith, Mrs. Clifford, Senator Spencer, Mr. Pindell, Mr. Stipes, and Mr. and Mrs. Call. Previous arrangements by certain members of this group made it impossible, unfortunately, for them to accept in its fulness the hospitality of the Government at Belgrade. The Government had planned to take the group down the Danube to the Iron Gates, and to furnish a

A GROUP BEFORE ROYAL PALACE, BUDAPEST, SEPTEMBER 2

1. Senator Ladd; 2. Senator Caraway; 3. Senator Harris; 4. Miss Harris; 5. Mrs. Harris; 6. Mr. Call; 7. Mrs. Call; 8. Sir George Fater, of Canada; 9. Professor Lutter; 10. Judge Jozsef, of Budapest.

special train to carry them to Nish, Monastir, and other sections in Jugoslavia. As it was, however, every opportunity was afforded the guests to see the remarkable developments in Belgrade and vicinity. A special. boat took Senator McKinley, Miss Mattis, Mr. Pindell, and Mr. and Mrs. Call for a day's journey still farther down the Danube. The American Minister at Belgrade, Hon. H. Percival Dodge, and the Belgrade Government, gave dinners to the party. The names of some of those who were particularly gracious are M. W. Pavolitch, Director General of the Brodarsky Sindikat; Mr. Stanitch, Minister of Communications; the Minister of the Interior; Colonel Martin Schallenberger, American military attaché; Mr. Radostor Agathonevitch, First Secretary of the Chamber of Deputies; Deputy Voca Jovanovitch; Colonel Arthur B. Kratz, Technical Adviser to the Government; Hon.

N. Trifounovitch, Hon. verg. N. L. Pavloskay, Colonel V. G. Deroc, Nicols N. Voulonfel, W. R. Barker, of the American Embassy; A. M. Hanitch, S. Milanovich, K. S. Paltor, of course there were many others.

THE FOLLOWING DAYS

Following the experience at Budapest and Belgrade, the members of the American party dispersed, some of them going to Venice, Florence, Rome; some to Geneva, Oberammergau, Berlin, and some on to Paris.

THE WORK OF THE WASHINGTON
CONFERENCE

And the Continuation of That Work with a View to the Economic Reconstruction of the World

By THEODORE E. BURTON

An Address Delivered Before the Inter-Parliamentary Union, Vienna, Austria, August 29, 1922

MR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN OF THE INTER-PARLIAMENTARY UNION:

It affords me the most sincere gratification to meet with you again in this historic city of Vienna. For eight years our meetings were suspended because of the most terrible of all wars. The organization was given new life by the meeting at Stockholm last year, and today we assemble when problems and responsibilities of supreme importance are pressing upon the nations.

I have been asked to speak upon the Conference for the Limitation of Armament, recently convened at Washington. The immediate incentive for that gathering was a vivid recollection of the suffering and loss of the recent colossal struggle and a burning desire to avoid future wars and the intolerable burden of constant preparedness for war. A resolution had been unanimously passed by both houses of Congress advising a conference of the three leading naval powers.

The Executive, taking independent action, gave a larger scope to the proposed gathering, inviting, in addition to Great Britain and Japan, the governments of France and Italy; also China, Belgium, the Netherlands, and Portugal. There were thus nine countries represented at the meeting.

The spirit which actuated the call was intensely practical. While idealistic conceptions were never absent, it was thought best to attempt no more than would promise a successful outcome. An invitation for a general conference of nations was avoided because of the delay, complication, and clash of conflicting aspirations which would inevitably result. The difficulty, under existing conditions, of reaching any agreement for limitation of armies was recognized, and it was decided that the first point of attack should be the frenzied competition for naval expansion in which at least three powerful nations were most strenuously engaged. Problems relating to the Pacific Ocean and the future of China, the so-called Pacific and Far Eastern questions, conveyed a threat of serious disagreements which demanded the attention.

of the Conference and were included in the formal invitation. After the meeting of the representatives of the various nations, it appeared that so strong a sentiment had been aroused upon the horrors resulting from the use of submarines and poisonous gases that consideration must be given to these. Thus the Conference practically limited its actions to three subjects: limitation of naval armament, Pacific and Far Eastern questions, and the regulation or prohibition of inhuman implements of warfare.

I trust I may be pardoned for referring to the fact that the United States occupied a commanding position in advancing propositions for limitation in naval programs because her unlimited resources made it possible for her, in case the race for naval supremacy should continue, to distance all competitors.

It was, no doubt, the opinion of many that the sole achievement of the assembled delegates would be a mutual interchange of compliments, the passage of resolutions breathing a spirit of amity, and the appointment of committees to report at a later time, perhaps at another place. Such anticipations were at once dispelled by the opening address of President Harding, which was immediately followed by the more definite statements of Secretary Hughes, who said that the time had come not for general resolutions or mutual advice, but for action; also, "Preparation for offensive naval warfare will stop now."

During the life of the Conference, from November 12, 1921, to February 6, 1922, seven treaties were agreed upon, of which two, four and five, were merely explanatory of or supplementary to others.

The following is a brief review of the five: Number 1, signed by the United States, the British Empire, France, Italy, and Japan, agrees that the capital ship replacement or permanent fleet of capital ships of the United States and of the British Empire respectively shall not be in excess of a tonnage of 525,000; that of Japan, 315,000; of Italy and France, 175,000 tons each. The size of capital ships is limited to 35,000 tons and gun caliber to 16 inches. Vessels other than capital ships must be limited to 10,000 tons and gun caliber to 8 inches. The treaty shall remain in force until December 31, 1936. As an illustration of the abatement of naval programs, it may be stated that the total tonnage to be scrapped by the United States is 845,000 tons and the amount expended upon ships to be abandoned is $332,000,000. The same general proportion applies to the other signatories to the treaty.

Treaty Number 2, signed by the same powers, reiterates rules as to visit and search of merchant vessels and the requirement that passengers and crew shall be placed in safety, and renders submarines subject to these rules. Any person guilty of violation shall be liable to trial and punishment as for an act of piracy. In the same treaty assent is expressed to existing treaties prohibiting the use of asphyxiating, poisonous, or other gases.

Treaty Number 3, between the United States, the British Empire, France, and Japan, is an agreement to respect the insular possessions and dominions of each in the region of the Pacific. No alliance is implied, but in case of controversy or a threat of aggressive action by any other power the contracting parties shall jointly

confer or communicate with one another. It contains a provision that the agreement between Great Britain and Japan, concluded in 1911, shall terminate.

Numbers 4 and 5 are explanatory or supplementary. Treaty Number 6, between all nine powers, is an agreement to respect the independence and the territorial and administrative integrity of China; also, to aid in the development of that country and to refrain from taking advantage of conditions there. The principle of equal opportunity for the commerce and industry of all nations is emphasized, and China, for her part, agrees she will not exercise or permit unfair discrimination of any kind. Other powers are invited to adhere to this treaty.

Treaty Number 7 provides for the relief of China from the present inadequate customs duties fixed by treaties with the various powers. In return China agrees to abolish the vexatious likin duties.

The Conference adopted a resolution for the appointment of a commission of jurists to consider the adequacy of existing rules of international law to meet conditions created by the introduction or development of new agencies of warfare; also; some ten resolutions having in view the relief of the Chinese people from existing regulations, such as those relating to extraterritoriality, foreign postal service, and the presence of armed foreign forces in that country.

Far reaching and vitally important as were the treaties promulgated by the Conference, nevertheless that which was most impressive of all was the friendly temper which dominated the proceedings.

How shall the work of the Conference be continued with a view to the economic reconstruction of the world? Let us ever remember that the most wholesome economic and social conditions cannot exist without favorable political conditions. Peace and helpful industry go hand in hand. War destroys not merely life, but beneficial enterprise as well. The threat of war fetters progress and diverts activity from the channels which would furnish healing streams to cure the waste and wreck of the last terrible struggle. A staggering load of debt rests with frightful weight upon the countries engaged in that contest. Even those most fortunately

situated in Europe have incurred indebtedness equal to half the total value of all their possessions, public and private, as computed in 1914.

With others the proportion is much greater. The situation has been grievously aggravated since 1918 by limitless issues of irredeemable paper money and by failure or inability to meet current expenditures by sufficient revenue.

In Europe, even if the din of war is absent, to all other ills there is added an intolerable burden of military expenses, together with preparation for possible conflicts in the future.

Except where compulsion or the constraint of poverty prevents, there is still in evidence the construction of armaments and the costly maintenance of armies and navies.

In the United States, where conditions are regarded as much more favorable, in the year ended June 30, 1920, out of appropriations of well-nigh six billions of dollars, barely 400,000,000 dollars were for the civil expenses of the government; the balance was for ex

penses resulting from war or from preparation for war. Thus approximately 93 per cent was due to war and 7 per cent was for purposes of peace.

In the two succeeding years the proportion was somewhat improved, but was still appalling. It is a startling fact that the expenditures of the United States Government for the four years of the Civil War, from 1861 to 1865, were more than in 72 years preceding, and in or connected with the late war more than in 128 years preceding. After previous wars, economists and financiers have noted with glad surprise the very rapid recuperation of the nations engaged, whether victorious or vanquished. But this time the devastation was too vast and confidence and co-operation are lacking. Behind wide areas where hatred, disorder, or want survive, there is a lurking threat which endangers the very life of civilization. The one surest road to economic rehabilitation as well as political and social progress is an abatement of military expenses and operations, and in the relations of the nations with each other the substitution of methods more just, more orderly, and more sensible for the present attitude of distrust and repulsion. It is to this splendid, yet very difficult, task that the most earnest efforts of the Union should be devoted and every friend of humanity should join. The outlook is not altogether dark. The earth, though its surface has been defiled and drenched with blood, will still yield her fruits in rich abundance. Moral and intellectual forces, ever present to succor and to guide, will not fail in this time of crisis. Let us confidently trust that upon the ruins of a chastened and a suffering world solid pillars of faith and hope may rise, upon which shall be erected enduring structures dedicated to peace, to progress, and to the healing of the nations.

In connection with his remarks Mr. Burton, on behalf of the delegation from the United States, presented the resolution found in the proceedings of the Union as number three.

The question in Austria at the time of the meeting of the Interparliamentary Union, during the last days of August, was, Can Austria survive?

The following notes, taken on the spot by the Editor of the ADVOCATE OF PEACE, give something of a picture of that distressed people.

There is a belief held by a no insignificant section of persons that, because of the lack of coal and because of the decline of the crown, it will be impossible for Austria to live. On the other hand, it is true that Austria has large resources in timber, iron, and water power. While the richest portions of what was Austria have gone to Czechoslovakia and Jugoslavia, these material sources