I. To institute Conferences of Nations, to meet at stated intervals, in continuation of the first two conferences of The Hague; and

To facilitate the labors of such conferences; to invite accredited institutions devoted to the study of international law, to prepare projects for the consideration of governments, in advance of submission to the conferences; in order

To restate and amend, reconcile and clarify, extend and advance, the rules of international law, which are indispensable to the permanent establishment and the successful administration of justice between and among nations.

II. To convoke, as soon as practicable, a conference for the advancement of international law; to provide for its organization outside of the domination of any one nation or any limited group of nations; to which conference every nation recognizing, accepting, and applying international law in its relations with other nations shall be invited and in which all shall participate upon a footing of equality.

III. To establish an Administrative Council, to be composed of the diplomatic representatives accredited to the government of the State in which the conference for the advancement of international law convenes; which representatives shall, in addition to their ordinary functions as diplomatic agents, represent the common interests of the nations during the interval between successive conferences; and to provide that

The president of the Administrative Council shall, according to diplomatic usage, be the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the country in which the conference convenes; An advisory committee shall be appointed by the Administrative Council from among its members, which shall meet at short, regular, and stated periods;

The chairman of the advisory committee shall be elected by its members;

The advisory committee shall report the result of its labors to the Administrative Council;

The members of the Administrative Council, having considered the report of the advisory committee, shall transmit their findings or recommendations to their respective governments, together with their collective or individual opinions, and that they shall act thereafter upon such findings and recommendations only in accordance with instructions from the governments which they represent.

IV. To authorize the Administrative Council to appoint, outside its own members, an executive committee or secretary's office to perform such duties as the conference for the advancement of international law, or the nations shall from time to time prescribe; and to provide that

The executive committee or secretary's office shall be under the supervision of the Administrative Council;

The executive committee or secretary's office shall report to the Administrative Council at stated periods.

V. To empower the Administrative Council to appoint other committees for the performance of such duties as the nations in their wisdom or discretion shall find it desirable to impose.

VI. To furnish technical advisers to assist the Administrative Council, the advisory committee, or other committees appointed by the council, in the performance of their respective duties, whenever the appointment of such technical advisers may be necessary or desirable, with the understanding that the request for the appointment of such experts may be made by the conference for the advancement of international law or by the Administrative Council.

VII. To employ good offices, mediation, and friendly composition wherever feasible and practicable. in their own disputes. and to urge their employment wherever feasible and practicable, in disputes between other nations.

VIII. To organize a Commission of Inquiry of limited membership, which may be enlarged by the nations in dispute, to which commission they may refer, for investigation and report, their differences of an international character, unless they are otherwise bound to submit them to arbitration or to other form of peaceful settlement; and To pledge their good faith to abstain from any act of force against one another pending the investigation of the commission and the receipt of its report; and

To reserve the right to act on the report as their respective interests may seem to them to demand; and

To provide that the Commission of Inquiry shall submit its report to the nations in controversy for their action, and to the Administrative Council for its information.

IX. To create a Council of Conciliation of limited membership, with power on behalf of the nations in dispute to add to its members, to consider and to report upon such questions of a non-justiciable character, the settlement whereof is not otherwise prescribed, which shall from time to time be submitted to the Council of Conciliation, either by the powers in dispute or by the Administrative Council; and to provide that

The Council of Conciliation shall transmit its proposals to the nations in dispute, for such action as they may deem advisable, and to the Council of Administration for its information.

X. To arbitrate differences of an international character not otherwise provided for, and in the absence of an agreement to the contrary, to submit them to the Permanent Court of Arbitration at The Hague, in order that they may be adjusted upon a basis of respect for law, with the understanding that disputes of a justiciable nature may likewise be referred to the Permanent Court of Arbitration when the parties in controversy prefer to have their differences settled by judges of their own choice, appointed for the occasion.

XI. To set up an international court of justice with obligatory jurisdiction, to which, upon the failure of diplomacy to adjust their disputes of a justiciable nature, all States shall have direct access-a court whose decisions shall bind the litigating States, and, eventually, all parties to its creation, and to which the States in controversy may submit, by special agreement, disputes beyond the scope of obligatory jurisdiction.

XII. To enlarge from time to time the obligatory jurisdiction of the Permanent Court of International Justice by framing rules of law in the conferences for the advancement of international law, to be applied by the court for the decision of questions which fall either beyond its present obligatory jurisdiction or which nations have not hitherto submitted to judicial decision.

XIII. To apply inwardly international law as a rule of law for the decision of all questions involving its principles, and outwardly to apply international law to all questions arising between and among all nations, so far as they involve the Law of Nations.

XIV. To furnish their citizens or subjects adequate instruction in their international obligations and duties, as well as in their rights and prerogatives:

To take all necessary steps to render such instruction effective: and thus

To create that "international mind" and enlightened public opinion which shall persuade in the future, where force has failed to compel in the past, the observance of those standards of honor, morality, and justice which obtain between and among individuals, bringing in their train law and order, through which, and through which alone. peace between nations may become practicable, attainable. and desirable.

ADVOCATE OF PEACE

Edited by ARTHUR DEERIN CALL

Published since 1834 by

THE AMERICAN PEACE SOCIETY

(1815-1828)

Suite 612-614 Colorado Building, Washington, D. C. (Cable address, "Ampax, Washington")

PUBLISHED MONTHLY, EXCEPT SEPTEMBER

Sent free to all members of the American Peace Society. Separate Subscription Price, $2.00 a year. Single copies, twenty cents each.

Entered as Second-Class Matter, June 1, 1911, at the Post-Office at Washington, D. C., under the act of July 16, 1894. Acceptance for mailing at special rate of postage provided for in Section 1103, Act of October 3. 1917, authorized August 10, 1918.

It being impracticable to express in these columns the divergent views of the thousands of members of the American Peace Society, full responsibility for the utterunces of this magazine is assumed by the Editor.

THIS SOCIETY

EMOCRACY'S INTERNATIONAL LAW," by Jackson

"DH. Ralston, can be obtained from this office free.

By special arrangement with the author and publisher, we are able to announce for a limited period that every new subscription to the ADVOCATE OF PEACE will entitle the subscriber to this magazine for the year 1923 and to the book, postage prepaid. Readers of the review of this book on the last page of the present number will wish to take advantage of this opportunity at once.

G

EORGES CLEMENCEAU, Premier of France during the war, is in America, pleading for America's aid at this time of "greatest crisis." He tells us that sooner or later America will have to interest herself in the affairs of Europe, "because she cannot continue to be comfortable and wealthy if Europe is weltering in blood." It is not necessary for Mr. Clemenceau to tell us these things. We know them already.

Every friend of international peace is deeply interested in the relations of the European States, particularly just now. It is not enough to express sympathy for Europe, to base opinion upon emotion, to scold, to hate, or to ignore. We of America wish to be informed that we may aid Europe intelligently and effectively. This number of the ADVOCATE OF PEACE aims especially to contribute to that better understanding upon which any constructive policy must be based.

E

THE EUROPEAN ILLNESS

No. 11

UROPE, if we may speak of such an entity, is ill. She is suffering from blood poison complicated by symptoms of neurosis. Her situation is serious. Reason enough; she has been bitten by the most deadly of all vipers, the dragon War. It is not just to think of Europe as simply muddleheaded. She is sick.

Examining Europe more carefully, it is clear that she is suffering from an inflammation of her political plexus. There are also a number of disturbing lesions. The nature of Europe's breakdown is general. Things have happened to Europe.

Germany, for example, formerly a most important factor in the European system, has undergone some very major operations. The coal mines of her Saar basin have been cut off. Two of her former towns, Eupen and Malmedy, not to mention the former neutral strip of Moresnet, have been given to Belgium. Part of Schleswig has been returned to Denmark, while parts of Prussia, Posen, and Silesia have been given to Poland. The Danzig corridor, carved out of German territory, has left a considerable part of Prussia, containing the city of Königsberg, in a patch by itself, while beyond that are Memel and other parts of East Prussia which have been ceded to the Allies and associated powers. Through the beneficent influence of the League of Nations, large quantities of former German coal, zinc, and iron territory in Upper Silesia have been annexed to Poland. Other parts of Silesia are now in Czechoslovakia. More impressive still, German East Africa, German Southwest Africa, the Cameroons and Togoland in Africa, forming an area four times the present German Republic, have been surgically removed. Part of New Guinea, in the West Indies; the Bismark Archipelago, the Ladrone, Caroline, and other islands in the Pacific; Kiao-Chau in China-all have been severed from Germany.

The wounds have not healed.

Austria-Hungary, before the war the most powerful continental empire outside Russia, has been cut apart. Austria has been reduced from 50,000,000 population to 6,000,000. Vienna, the proud capital of the former empire, with its 2,000,000 inhabitants, functions now as a capital quite as would the city of Washington, if all of the United States were lopped off excepting Virginia and Maryland.

Hungary is now one-third her former size; 60 per cent of her population, 40 per cent of her factories, 60

Austria's Bohemia, Moravia, and part of Silesia, together with parts of Hungary's Slovakia and Russia's Carpathia, supplemented by other territories, are being welded into the new Republic of Czechoslovakia.

Parts of Bulgaria, Austria-Hungary, together with Serbia and Montenegro, have been formed into the new kingdom of the Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, commonly known as Jugo or South Slavia.

Russia, who fought for nearly three years beside the Allies, has, according to the map, lost Siberia, Finland, Poland, Esthonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Bessarabia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, and Russian Armenia.

The Turks, who were supposed to have been "kicked out" of Europe by the terms of the Treaty of Sèvres, a unilateral treaty which has never been ratified by anybody, have been able to drive Greece out of Asia Minor and Eastern Thrace, and to reenter the inhospitable family, causing no little ill will between Italy and France on one side and Britain on the other.

Bent upon exercising their right to self-determination, Italy is confronted with inflammations in her Tyrol, Bulgaria wants a "corridor" to the Ægean, while Asia Minor is seething with innumerable ambitions. The British Empire is a mass of problems all its own. Thus Europe is a distressing mess. The new boundaries, the new economic units, the isolated and willful groups, refuse to "balance" or co-operate. The fine aims of the war seem to have been largely repudiated. In their place we have legalized vengeance and injustice, military terrorisms, dictatorships, economic, social and moral chaos. Europe and international anarchy are

synonymous.

The Paris peace negotiations have ended in bitterness and strife. National ambitions and fears-some

old, some new-are rampant. Armies loaded to the muzzle are everywhere. The prevailing feeling is of instability and uncertainty. French, English, and American soldiers are still scattered along the "occupied territory" around Cologne, Treves, Wiesbaden, Mainz, with all the inevitable petty annoyances due to commandeering, overcrowding, race prejudices. The coveting of spheres of political and economic influence, the hectic grab for profit, the bitter hates-all go on apace. The peoples of Europe are so war weary that they are unable to develop a creative policy. It is over four years since the war ended, but the problem of debts and reparations seems as unsolved as at any time during that period.

It is as follows:

Cuba pays interest as it becomes due.

Belgian obligations aggregating $2,284,151.40. advance and for which an agreement for payment has been made. No interest due on Nicaraguan notes until maturity, as is also the case with certain *Includes $61,000,000 of British obligations which were given for Pittman silver

1,422,699,622.02 11,524,951,869.15 506,002,109.71

*4,135,818,358.44

611,044,201.85

15,000,000.00

375,000.00

1,685,835.61

202,300.28

1,888,135.89

..........

1,648,034,050.90

1,891,514,634.27

5,132,287.14

643,576.87

5,775,864.01

4,981,628.03 26,000.00

2,868.85

861.10

747,244.20

636.059. 7,717,333 263,313. 1,290,620.

28,868.85

15,375,000.00

3,770,906,655.85
9,294,362.27
16,088,771.26
4,746,862,560.29

104,685,545.39
7,740,500.00

428,515,733.88
26,220,722.73
$13,637,174.37

250,132,185.50 170,304,490.63

1,159,153.34

57,598,852.62 126,266.19

It will be observed that this table does not include

Germany. We are trying to find out the size of our bill against that country. A Justice of our Supreme Court has resigned, to help in this undertaking. It is time that we know the amount. Germany should know. The fact would be ludicrous if it were not so tragic, that Germany does not yet know the amount of any bill, American or European, which, because of the war, she must pay.

There are excellent things in Europe-French thrift, industry, common sense, English level-headedness and resourcefulness, art, science, religion. Mr. Hoover is right. "Europe's hard-working population, its tremendous industries, its enormous productivity and its magnificent intelligence, its fabulous development of skill and scientific knowledge, are vital forces that must win out." The point here is, however, that Europe just now is war weary and ill. She is heavily in debt. Still more serious, there are various foci of infection threatening a recrudescence of the more serious phases of her illness,

E

EUROPE'S POISONOUS REMEDIES

UROPE is suffering from overdoses of patent medicines.

The blood stream of Europe was poisoned by the Congress of Vienna, 1814-15. Then, as in 1918, there had been devastating wars, at that time twenty years of them. Driven by various forces-the rising tides of liberty, of nationality, of fears-disturbed by Napoleon's careless handling of rulers and by certain democratic developments, especially in America, the arbitrary rulers of that day-Great Britain, Russia, Prussia, and Austria-formed unto themselves a Council, and cemented their bond of union by the Treaty of Chaumont, March 10, 1814. Three months later they planned, in the First Treaty of Paris, for the general Congress of Vienna.

This congress was called, in sonorous phrases, to reestablish the balance of power, to achieve a general disarmament, to end the slave trade, to fashion a league to enforce peace. Meeting in September, 1814, it was not wholly unlike the Peace Conference meeting in Paris late in December, 1918. It had its shrewd liberal mystic, "the dream prince," flushed by recent victories and backed by a powerful nation, in that case Czar Alexander I, occupying the center of the picture. There were three other powerful personalities-Metternich of Austria, Talleyrand of France, and Castlereagh of England. There were many powers represented, but the situation was dominated, sometimes by the "big four," sometimes by the "big three," and sometimes by the "big one." The big fellows went deliberately at the business of carving up Europe. There were "special committees." There were barter and intrigue, a scrambling for territory and power, the peoples the while being treated as pawns merely. The congress had its offending nation to deal with, at that time France. Under the terms of the Second Treaty of Paris, November, 1815, France was obliged to restore the art treasures pilfered by Napoleon, to pay an indemnity of 700,000,000 francs, to turn her fortresses over to foreign troops for a definite period of years, and to give up wide strips of territory.

Called in high hopes and heralded by the most pious of phrases, it ended in demands for State rights and isolation; in Prussian demands for a buffer State as a protection against France; in a division of spoils and loot; in a new spirit of nationalism, as in Belgium, Greece, South America; in the rise of a new balance of power, the Concert of Europe-France, Austria, Prussia, and Russia-England operating from the outside only. The Italians wholly outside until the Crimean War. There followed an industrial revolution, many economic and political reforms, typified by the English Reform Act of 1832.

By renewing the Treaty of Chaumont, the quadruple alliance became a "league to enforce peace," the Concert of Europe watching principally over the Balkans. Metternich, convoking his congresses, was, in a sense, the "big man" of his day. The "league" of that time, under the influence of this powerful European, called the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle in 1818, of Troppau in 1820, of Laibach in 1821, and of Verona in 1822. When confronted in that day with a league to enforce peace, there were men who saw the fallacy of any such method of perpetuating peace. When, under the protocol of Troppau, in November, 1820, it was proposed to set up a military league to control international and external strifes of nations, the very wise Castlereagh of Great Britain replied that Great Britain could never agree to a principle "which she would not in any circumstances allow to be applied in her own case.' France refused to sign the protocol.

Not unmindful perhaps because of the constitutional powers emerging and of the democratic ideals becoming vocal, the all-powerful Metternich convinced himself that peace, especially for Austria, rested upon a benevolent oligarchy. But the league to enforce peace as proposed at Troppau was too much for the stomach of Europe. The proposal marked the beginning of the end of the quadruple alliance. European statesmen were beginning to acquaint themselves with the statesmanship of certain gentlemen-James Madison, Oliver Ellsworth, Alexander Hamilton-all of whom, faced with a very concrete international situation, had seen in faraway America the folly of any league to enforce peace. But there were statesmen who had not acquainted themselves with the all-important work in Philadelphia during the summer of 1787. Alexander I of Russia was one of these. Because of this man's efforts there was organized, under the terms of a treaty, November 20, 1815, what historians have euphemistically called the Holy Alliance. This charter, based upon religious verbiage, vague and general engagements, lasted for seven years, England the while refusing to assent. In some ways the quadruple alliance of that time was a sort of "Supreme Council" plus a "Council of Ambassadors," while the Holy Alliance, called by Castlereagh "a peace of sublime mysticism and nonsense," was in fact a league of nations.