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ROSEDALE, KANSAS, December 12, 1922. American Peace Society, Washington, D. C.

DEAR FRIEND: I enclose $2 for renewal of subscription to the ADVOCATE OF PEACE. I like the paper very much, and am sure it is doing great good in this war-troubled world. I am so thankful every day for the advancement that has been made for the rising tide of peace and the prospect of settling difficulties by reasoning rather than by force. I am so thankful for this work for the development of Christ's kingdom. Yours for world peace, MRS. M. FRANCES HOLSINGIR.

BOOK REVIEWS

HOW AMERICA WENT TO WAR. An Account from Official Sources of the Nation's War Activities, 1917-1920. By Benedict Crowell, the Assistant Secretary of War and Director of Munitions, 1917-1920, and Robert Forrest Wilson, formerly Captain, United States Army. Illustrated with photographs from the collections of the War and Navy Departments. 6 vols. New Haven, Yale University Press, 1921. $26.00.

We have here six worthy volumes, "The Giant Hand," "The Road to France" (two volumes), "The Armies of Industry" (two volumes), and "Demobilization." We know of no texts answering so well the questions one would naturally ask relative to the fields here so ably covered. There is here spread before us the evolution of a new war organization to meet new and unprecedented situations. On every page of the texts pulsates the majesty of American industrial power, capacity for organization, and will to achieve. American manufacturers are given their appropriate place in the complex we know as America. It is revealed here how an obsolete, unworkable, overhead organization was met and rectified by a nation's intelligence. The author's aim has been to contribute to the literature of military preparedness. They accomplished their aim. In the main, every volume is a scientific contribution to truth. If in the future there should arise, unhappily, another emergency calling upon our common resources for the waging of a war, these illuminating texts will prove of inestimable value. In a day when armament has come to mean the nation's total strength-commercial, industrial, military, moral-these volumes will prove of value to the military student, the agricultural and industrial producer-indeed, to every industry contributing to our common life. Incidentally, these volumes should be instructive for the business man, particularly the manufacturer or the entrepreneur in large affairs. The volumes constitute a concrete picture of large enterprises conducted on an unprecedented scale and for a common purpose. They are text-books of industrial achievement.

THE BIOLOGY OF WAR. By Dr. G. F. Nicolai. The Century Co., New York, 1919. Pp. 553.

In the introduction to this valuable volume the Misses C. A. and J. Grande rightly point out that this is "the most remarkable book which the war has yet produced-a volume likely to live in history even when the scientific ideas which it contains have been superseded by wider knowledge of generations to come." Though the author has mostly Germany and the Germans in view when discussing his subject, especially concerning nationalism, war hatred, and selfishness, most of his arguments and theories apply equally well to the world at large. There is no better picture possible of the degrading and depraving influences of war than the one given by Dr. Nicolai.

He starts his analysis of the biology of war by a thorough study of war instincts, effects on the struggle for life, and selection, demonstrating the historical close relation existing between war and property, the latter causing and engender

ing the former, and then proceeds to point out how those primitive ideas began to change under the influence of civilization.

The relations between the nations have gradually developed on the very same lines that the evolution of relations between the individuals living in society had taken at an earlier stage of culture. And just as with individual citizens, right gradually superseded might and a man's honor became dependent upon the good opinion of his fellow-men, so among nations order and right must replace the former crude ways of struggle, war included, and a nation's honor must be dependent on the good opinion of other nations.

The author is especially emphatic in denouncing those former theories that were meant to praise and glorify war as a means of selection, asserting and exaggerating the tonic effects of war. The bloody struggle that the world has just gone through disproves these theories so brilliantly that Dr. Nicolai had no difficulty in illustrating his case in this respect. The very same arguments apply to the idea of a "Chosen People," to the false conceptions of patriotism, so widely spread during this last war, and to imperialism in its most obnoxious forms. In all these questions, especially concerning the discussion of patriotism, the work of the author is very inspiring and instructive. The two most interesting and important lessons to be learned from the reading of Dr. Nicolai's book are, first, that the biological consequences of war can be only detrimental, not to say disastrous, for a warring nation, that they in no way help to strengthen or to ennoble a nation, as was so often asserted by German militarists; and, second, that the social and psychological consequences of war are even worse than the biological ones, as they usually call forth such an amount of hatred, selfishness, chauvinism, just those forces that are most opposed to the friendly intercourse among nations, that the peaceful development of any international comity becomes curtailed, hampered, and thwarted.

In the last concluding chapters (XII-XV) Nicolai points to the way out of the trouble, how war may be abolished by the evolution and growth of internationalism in the best and broadest meaning of this term. Every believer in civilization ought to read this volume, because it gives such a brilliant picture of our modern social and international ideals. In conclusion, I must mention the exceptionally good translation of the work. S. A. KORFF.

INTERVENTION IN INTERNATIONAL LAW. By Ellery C. Stowell. John Byrne and Co., Washington. Bibliography and index. Pp. i-viii, 1-558.

Mr. Stowell dedicates his book "to the spirit of high idealism and practicality by which, in the conduct of foreign policy and the observance of the law of nations, the two branches of the Anglo-American amity were guided toward the common aim of international justice by Theodore Roosevelt and Sir Edward Grey." That will give an excellent understanding of the viewpoint of the author; and that viewpoint is applied to such subjects as interposition, international police, non-interference, and political action. In treating these subjects Mr. Stowell brings to bear the results of thought and study on numerous international incidents and problems, and his book is useful.

EVIDENCE ON CONDITIONS IN IRELAND. By Albert Coyle, official reporter to the American Commission on Conditions in Ireland. Albert Coyle, Bliss Building, Washington. Pp. 1106. Index of subjects. $1.00 in paper covers; $1.50 cloth bound.

The official reporter has gathered into this volume an interesting and well-organized record of the testimony developed by the commission referred to above, which was composed of L. Hollingsworth Wood, Dr. Frederic C. Howe, Jane Addams, James H. Maurer, Oliver P. Newman, United States Senator George W. Norris, the Rev. Norman M. Thomas, and United States Senator David I. Walsh. Bearing in mind always that the proceedings were controlled by devoted friends of the Irish cause, the book will give to the student of recent Irish events a large material for study and reflection and will be distinctly informative.

PRESS OF JUDD & DETWEILER, INC., WASHINGTON, D. C.

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VORWE TWENTY CENTO

(Adopted by the American Peace Society May 27, 1921)

The American Peace Society, mindful of the precepts of its founders-precepts which have been confirmed by the experience of the past hundred years-recurs, in these days of storm and stress at home and of confusion and discord abroad, to these precepts and its own traditions, and, confessing anew its faith in their feasibility and necessity, restates and resubmits to a hesitant, a suffering, and a war-torn world.

That the voluntary Union of States and their helpful co-operation for the attainment of their common ideals can only be effective if, and only so far as, "The rules of conduct governing individual relations between citizens or subjects of a civilized State are equally applicable as between enlightened nations";

That the rules of conduct governing individual relations, and which must needs be expressed in terms of international law, relate to "the enjoyment of life and liberty, with the means of acquiring and possessing property and pursuing and obtaining happiness and safety"; and

That these concepts, which are the very life and breath of reason and justice, upon which the Law of Nations is founded, must be a chief concern of nations, inasmuch as "justice," and its administration, "is the great interest of man on earth.'

Therefore, realizing the conditions which confront the world at the termination of its greatest of wars; conscious that permanent relief can only come through standards of morality and principles of justice expressed in rules of law, to the end that the conduct of nations shall be a regulated conduct, and that the government of the Union of States, as well as the government of each member thereof, shall be a government of laws and not of men; and desiring to contribute to the extent of its capacity, the American Peace Society ventures, at its ninety-third annual meeting, held in the city of Washington, in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and twenty-one, to suggest, as calculated to incorporate these principles in the practice of nations, an international agreement:

1. To institute Conferences of Nations, to meet at stated intervals, in continuation of the first two conferences of The Hague; and

To facilitate the labors of such conferences; to invite accredited institutions devoted to the study of international law, to prepare projects for the consideration of governments, in advance of submission to the conferences; in order

To restate and amend, reconcile and clarify, extend and advance, the rules of international law, which are indispensable to the permanent establishment and the successful administration of justice between and among nations.

II. To convoke, as soon as practicable, a conference for the advancement of international law; to provide for its organization outside of the domination of any one nation or any limited group of nations; to which conference every nation recognizing, accepting, and applying international law in its relations with other nations shall be invited and in which all shall participate upon a footing of equality.

III. To establish an Administrative Council, to be composed of the diplomatic representatives accredited to the government of the State in which the conference for the advancement of international law convenes; which representatives shall, in addition to their ordinary functions as diplomatic agents, represent the common interests of the nations during the interval between successive conferences; and to provide that

The president of the Administrative Council shall, according to diplomatic usage, be the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the country in which the conference convenes; An advisory committee shall be appointed by the Administrative Council from among its members, which shall meet at short, regular, and stated periods;

The chairman of the advisory committee shall be elected by its members;

The advisory committee shall report the result of its labors to the Administrative Council;

The members of the Administrative Council, having considered the report of the advisory committee, shall transmit their findings or recommendations to their respective governments, together with their collective or individual opinions, and that they shall act thereafter upon such findings and recommendations only in accordance with instructions from the governments which they represent.

IV. To authorize the Administrative Council to appoint, outside its own members, an executive committee or secretary's office to perform such duties as the conference for the advancement of international law, or the nations shall from time to time prescribe; and to provide that

The executive committee or secretary's office shall be under the supervision of the Administrative Council;

The executive committee or secretary's office shall report to the Administrative Council at stated periods.

V. To empower the Administrative Council to appoint other committees for the performance of such duties as the nations in their wisdom or discretion shall find it desirable to impose.

VI. To furnish technical advisers to assist the Administrative Council, the advisory committee, or other committees appointed by the council, in the performance of their respective duties, whenever the appointment of such technical advisers may be necessary or desirable, with the understanding that the request for the appointment of such experts may be made by the conference for the advancement of international law or by the Administrative Council. VII. To employ good offices, mediation, and friendly composition wherever feasible and practicable, in their own disputes, and to urge their employment wherever feasible and practicable, in disputes between other nations.

VIII. To organize a Commission of Inquiry of limited membership, which may be enlarged by the nations in dispute, to which commission they may refer, for investigation and report, their differences of an international character, unless they are otherwise bound to submit them to arbitration or to other form of peaceful settlement; and To pledge their good faith to abstain from any act of force against one another pending the investigation of the commission and the receipt of its report; and

To reserve the right to act on the report as their respective interests may seem to them to demand; and

To provide that the Commission of Inquiry shall submit its report to the nations in controversy for their action, and to the Administrative Council for its information.

IX. To create a Council of Conciliation of limited membership, with power on behalf of the nations in dispute to add to its members, to consider and to report upon such questions of a non-justiciable character, the settlement whereof is not otherwise prescribed, which shall from time to time be submitted to the Council of Conciliation, either by the powers in dispute or by the Administrative Council; and to provide that

The Council of Conciliation shall transmit its proposals to the nations in dispute, for such action as they may deem advisable, and to the Council of Administration for its information.

X. To arbitrate differences of an international character not otherwise provided for, and in the absence of an agreement to the contrary, to submit them to the Permanent Court of Arbitration at The Hague, in order that they may be adjusted upon a basis of respect for law, with the understanding that disputes of a justiciable nature may likewise be referred to the Permanent Court of Arbitration when the parties in controversy prefer to have their differences settled by judges of their own choice, appointed for the occasion.

XI. To set up an international court of justice with obligatory jurisdiction, to which, upon the failure of diplomacy to adjust their disputes of a justiciable nature, all States shall have direct access-a court whose decisions shall bind the litigating States, and, eventually, all parties to its creation, and to which the States in controversy may submit, by special agreement, disputes beyond the scope of obligatory jurisdiction.

XII. To enlarge from time to time the obligatory jurisdiction of the Permanent Court of International Justice by framing rules of law in the conferences for the advancement of international law, to be applied by the court for the decision of questions which fall either beyond its present obligatory jurisdiction or which nations have not hitherto submitted to judicial decision.

XIII. To apply inwardly international law as a rule of law for the decision of all questions involving its principles, and outwardly to apply international law to all questions arising between and among all nations, so far as they involve the Law of Nations.

XIV. To furnish their citizens or subjects adequate instruction in their international obligations and duties, as well as in their rights and prerogatives;

To take all necessary steps to render such instruction effective; and thus

To create that "international mind" and enlightened public opinion which shall persuade in the future, where force has failed to compel in the past, the observance of those standards of honor, morality, and justice which obtain between and among individuals, bringing in their train law and order, through which, and through which alone, peace between nations may become practicable, attainable, and desirable.

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Sent free to all members of the American Peace Society. Separate Subscription Price, $2.00 a year. Single copies, twenty cents each.

Entered as Second-Class Matter, June 1, 1911, at the Post-Office at Washington, D. C., under the act of July 16, 1894. Acceptance for mailing at special rate of postage provided for in Section 1103, Act of October 3. 1917, authorized August 10, 1918.

It being impracticable to express in these columns the divergent views of the thousands of members of the American Peace Society, full responsibility for the utterances of this magazine is assumed by the Editor.

FREE TO ALL MEMBERS

No. 3

The author

HE BROCHURE, the title page of which is reproduced in the preceding column, is a little book of 84 pages, five by seven inches, published by the Rand and McNally Company and just from the press. is the Editor of the ADVOCATE OF PEACE. introductory note by James Brown Scott. ber of the American Peace Society is entitled to a copy of this little text.

There is an

Each mem

It is believed that this little work will render a service, especially to all interested in the cause of right international relations. It is true that we are all interested in the possibilities of some form of international association. The central thought of this work is that the history of the United States is in itself a distinct contribution to any discussion upon this subject. Undoubtedly the Federal Convention of 1787 was an international conference, for the twelve States there represented were free, sovereign, independent States. The Convention is here looked upon entirely from that point of view.

The author finds this fact to be the New World's chief gift to the Old. He views the American Union as an international experiment. He proceeds to point to the great men serving as delegates in that Convention, to show the processes by which the sovereignty of the Crown was transferred to the people of the States, and how a union of free, sovereign, and independent States was achieved. The trials and difficulties are enumerated. The similarity between the conference of 1787 and subsequent international conferences appears. The author points out the international aspects of our Supreme Court and how under the operation of our system political questions between States may and do become subject to judicial inquiry and decision. The whole question of the coercion of States, the bone of so much contention between pro-League and anti-League disputants at this day, is shown to have been a question for our fathers in 1787. How they met the question, how they decided it, and the wisdom of their decision is all here set forth. It is pointed out that this Union of free, sovereign, and independent States is a government of laws and not of men, a civilian and not a military Union. The story of the Convention closes with these words:

"The Father of the Constitution, James Madison, of Virginia, was not unmindful of the value of such a con

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stitution,' to use his own words, 'to the fund of materials for the history of the Constitution, on which would be staked the happiness of a young people, great even in its infancy, and possibly the cause of liberty throughout the world.""

Accompanying the text is a list of references, the Declaration of Independence, the Articles of Confederation, and the Constitution of the United States, together with the amendments. There is a map of the United States at the close of the Revolution, facing a map of the United States of today. The book is generously illustrated.

There is always a necessity for looking forward to the new and the untried. A man's reach must exceed his grasp. But just now our Old World needs a new baptism in the faiths and principles which have made America great. Instead of trying to import new forms from nations more hopeless than we, the call unto us is to burnish our wills with a revival of religion, a religion of liberties, foreseen and provided for in the Convention of 1787.

T

STEP BY STEP

HE Washington Conference on the Limitation of Armament was a conference of nations. The American Peace Society places at the head of its "Suggestions for a Governed World" the importance of instituting conferences of nations. The time is near at hand when we shall have a conference of all the nations. The Washington Conference made no provision for a future conference. The Washington Conference was a conference of a limited number of nations; but the Washington Conference was a step toward the more general conference and toward conferences to be held at stated intervals. The time is not far distant when there will be such conferences at stated intervals. Thus wags our old world along, step by step. It has always been thus, particularly in international relations. Progress has always been slow-step by step. Mr. Root has recently discovered in that immortal source of wisdom, namely, Mother Goose, that "leg over leg the dog went to Dover." There is no other way for the dog to get himself to Dover or anywhere else. It was fitting that Mr. Root should call attention to this esoteric fact while conferring with the international jurists at The Hague, and later while serving with the delegates at the Washington Conference.

The Washington Conference was not everything that it might be; neither did it accomplish everything that needs to be accomplished. It did approve and adopt the following treaties and resolutions, which treaties and resolutions have been submitted by the President of the

United States to the Senate for advice and consent to their ratification. It is well to recall these accomplishments.

TREATIES

(1) A treaty between the United States of America, the British Empire, France, Italy, and Japan, limiting naval armaments.

(2) A treaty between the same powers, in relation to the use of submarines and noxious gases in warfare.

(3) A treaty between the United States of America, the British Empire, France, and Japan, signed December 13, 1921, relating to their insular possessions and insular dominions in the Pacific Ocean.

(4) Declaration accompanying the above Four-Power Treaty.

(5) A treaty between the same four powers, supplementary to the above, signed February 6, 1922.

(6) A treaty between all nine powers relating to principles and policies to be followed in matters concerning China. (7) A treaty between the nine powers relating to Chinese customs tariff.

RESOLUTIONS

No. 1. Resolution for a commission of jurists to consider amendment of Laws of War.

No. 2. Resolution limiting jurisdiction of commission of jurists provided in resolution No. 1.

No. 3. Resolution regarding a board of reference for Far Eastern questions.

No. 4. Resolution regarding extraterritoriality in China. No. 5. Resolution regarding foreign postal agencies in China.

No. 6. Resolution regarding armed forces in China. No. 7. Resolution regarding radio stations in China and accompanying declarations.

No. 8. Resolution regarding unification of railways in China and accompanying declaration by China. No. 9. Resolution regarding the reduction of Chinese military forces.

No. 10. Resolution regarding existing commitments of China or with respect to China.

No. 11. Resolution regarding the Chinese Eastern Railway, approved by all the powers, including China. No. 12. Resolution regarding the Chinese Eastern Railway, approved by all the powers other than China.

Just now treaties 3, 4, and 5, which together make up what is known as the Four-Power Treaty, are before the Senate. There is opposition to this Four-Power Treaty.

The opponents charge that it is a treaty of alliance. The opponents are mistaken. If it were a treaty of alliance, it would be defensive, offensive, or both. In any event, it could relate only to matters of war. This is the interpretation of an alliance taken by practically all of the writers on international law since the time of Grotius. An alliance carries with it the sanction of force. The Four-Power Treaty makes no provision for force, directly or indirectly. This fact appears from the wording of the treaty. It was so specifically stated by Mr. Lodge in presenting the treaty, a statement which

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