I

CHAPTER XXXVIII.

N a short time after these Cooper Institute and other Eastern speeches I met Mr. Gridley in Bloomington,

where we were having some preliminary meetings, relating to Lincoln as a candidate for President. Mr. Gridley was more sanguine than I had ever known him to be, although he was well known to be excitable, quick, and nervous. His sagacity and perfect control of himself was so strong that, in reaching a conclusion on any important undertaking, he was one of the most careful, cautious, and conservative of men; but when conclusions were reached, the process of work or the enterprise under his direction fairly flew into shape under his skilled hands, ample means, and the management that embraced every movement and detail. In the work of the Chicago Convention occasion will require frequent reference to his sincere devotion and most efficient labor.

On meeting me, he said: "Robert, do you believe that we realize the advance Lincoln has made and is making? He has taken the Eastern people along with him, the same that he does with us here at home. I have never doubted his ability to do so, when I come to think about it; for they are the same people, and no better than we are. He is the most finished political debater and reasoner in our politics. He has the courage and integrity to face a cannon, and would not hesitate, if he were called upon for any sacrifice to serve the people. We must stand by him to a man. There is no such statesman living, or I am so prejudiced that I see no equal anywhere. His movements are astonishing, not

only in idea, but in performance, and, whether he is assisted or not, he sustains himself like a great soldier in forming and executing them.

"He led Douglas, who is, by all odds, the ablest statesman in his party, to statement, and repeated assertion of it, that has permanently divided the Democratic party, North and South, for and against slavery. Without intrusion he went to New York, where he shook off the little cobwebs with which they expected to tangle him, upset him, and send him home a broken Western lawyer. He tore these away as easily as he could 'shuck an ear of corn.' He has divided Seward's support in his own State, without himself having done anything to antagonize Weed or Seward, and has gained the stronger support of Greeley and his Tribune, the antislavery text-book, and the most powerful political newspaper in the world. Call it genius, sagacity, good management, or what you will,-it is astonishing success beyond any man's expectations, even beyond his own, as I saw when I talked to him yesterday. He has moved in at the right time, made one of the most profound and unanswerable arguments ever delivered on any subject. The general result is that Greeley and his millions of Tribune Republicans have come over to Lincoln, and left Seward as smoothly as a little minnow slips out of your net into the water.

"He has divided or deepened and emphasized the division so that Mr. Seward can not be nominated, and, for the first time, I fully believe that Mr. Lincoln can be, if no mishaps turn us the wrong way and we do our whole duty. You remember, I was a resident of New York long enough to be fairly conversant with their politics and party factions. There seems to be something in the make-up of their people and their differing nationalities, that makes them a peculiar community. They are always disputing, with two or three factions in their State politics, as a rule, or among themselves, as the old Dutch governor, Peter Stuyvesant, did

when he had no one else to quarrel with. They enjoy a faction in politics as a cow does fresh grass and a cool drink in summer.

"They began with Whigs, Republican, and Tory, and have never had less than that number since; usually more. When only two of the regular parties of the State are in the field, some one of them, in the most cunning way possible, starts a faction on some local issue. Their divisions have been so constant and frequent that one side or the other is always able to make a faction or diversion of some kind in any campaign before it is over.

"Mr. Weed is undoubtedly an able and experienced party man, as such things go in that State. He leads and manages all the politicians, while Greeley, as everybody knows, is no politician, and will not work with them, and will be independent of all such uncertain connections as Mr. Weed dearly likes to manage. Greeley's strength is mainly with the farmers and busy traders and agricultural people, who will not exactly antagonize Seward; but they will take to Lincoln in towns and townships by the thousand when Greeley indorses him, which I understand he has done.

"Hence you see, I think Mr. Lincoln has at least even chances for the nomination. I know Mr. Weed and his ways quite well. He does not recognize me as in any way interested in politics, which is true in general, but not in particular, as in this case, and all the better. Here among ourselves the political and outside work is in good hands, and I have no desire or need to take any part in that.

"Dick Oglesby and others can lead and manage that if any set of men in the State can. But I know Mr. Weed's ways of managing Conventions far better than any one here. I will keep even with him, and I intend to do so. I will do my part, and will help to win. I am not going to blame anybody with my mistakes either. I want so to manage

what I do that, if we fail, it will not be the result of mistakes or misconduct on our part; and when it appears that any one can look after the business details of the coming Convention better than I can, I shall welcome him as heartily as any one of you.

"The Convention is to be in Chicago, and, while there are many good people there who are identified with and feel a common interest with us in the rest of the State, still a great many more than half of them are from the East, and, while they will take no active part against Lincoln, they are really for Seward, and will tacitly let things go his way if we neglect our work. Mr. Weed's plan will be to fill the town with thousands of Seward men for the three days, and take his candidate through on a bulge.

"You are well acquainted there. While I am there quite often, and feel that I have the run of the town as well as any outside citizen of the State, I want several of you to go there, and, by capable, discreet, and careful observation and the poking-about kind of inquiry, ascertain the actual conditions existing, see what are the tendencies, and what, if any, outside movements are being made, so that I will have the facts to support and help me in my work.

"We do n't want to do a dishonorable act, nor countenance one, for Mr. Lincoln is not to be helped that way; but we don't want to let this experienced New Yorker, sly and cunning as a fox, with his helpers, sleepless as owls, beat us on our own ground. Mr. Swett will go. He has keen wits, and will do well; but he is too good-natured, and takes too much to lawyers as a class. He believes them often when they are planning against him, and takes too much on hearsay. I want all the facts you can gather around the courts, hotels, the railroad offices, and among the Churches. Gather all you can, and let me know whether what you get are facts or surmises. Mr. Jesse Fell is going, and a more careful observer can not be found. All I fear

of him is his polite timidity. You are young and active, and can get in many places and do better and be more exact and particular than if you were older. What I want you to do, more than usual, is to be inquisitive."

I went several different times, and spent a few days in each in making the most careful investigation possible, as the others mentioned did, and reported accordingly to Mr. Gridley. We gave the work particular care and attention, because every one of us knew that the situation in Chicago was a matter of great concern, and that, without the management of some capable man to prevent it, it could easily be turned in the interest of Seward, which Mr. Weed intended to do, knowing the situation as well as any of us.

During this time Mr. Gridley made careful investigations for himself as well. The work for Lincoln went on in the most persevering way, with horse and man strapped and mounted for action, and ready, without a string loose or a bridle down. Before the Republican Convention met and marked the dial of our swift-speeding little planet in its progress, and before all were counted and named to lead, ours, too, had entered the conflict of the century with the force of a new battle for freedom in all our hearts.

There was a crashing and sundering in the breaking-up and dissolving of the old parties that had led in so many famous triumphs, in which young men had grown gray and worn and feeble, and had died in its service. Peace had departed from the great Democratic party. It was separating in arming factions, while sorrow and alarm prevailed throughout the land. There was little hope of returning peace without war; and the people of the Nation were entering the greatest distress that had come upon us since the days of the Revolution.

On October 16, 1859, John Brown, of Ossawatomie, one of the suffering victims of the pro-slavery invasion of Kansas, made a furious assault on the United States arsenal