that official stand forth more clearly. bone coterie, and he makes a weak The criticisms in this work are so ob- attempt to defend that official in his viously unfair or, in the light of sub- book. Nevertheless, it is not hard sequent events, so inaccurate that to separate the "wheat" from the they fail to make the impression that "chaff," and Robinson's volume is dewas intended. Robinson visited Cuba serving of commendation. Without during this period as the representa- adding anything of special account, tive of the New York Evening Post, Johnson, IV, 133-254, has an interestthen managed by Oswald Garrison ing story of this period. Among Villard, since widely known as an edi- numerous articles, one by General tor of The Nation. Villard was a Wood himself (The military governvirulent opponent of the United ment of Cuba, in American academy States policy in Cuba and a personal of political science, Annals, v. XXI, enemy of General Wood. Further- pp. 153-182, Mar., 1903) is specially more, Robinson was closely associ- worthy of note. ated, while in Cuba, with the Rath CHAPTER VI THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE REPUBLIC ONE must go far back from the period of the United States military rule for an understanding of the American attitude concerning the establishment of a republic in Cuba. The essential factor to bear in mind is that of the vital importance of the island to the United States strategically. Early dreams of annexation had passed away, and in the popular mind, reflected also in the halls of Congress, Cuba meant no more than, for example, Venezuela. The administrative branch of the government, however, whatever party might be in control, soon became aware of the fact that Cuba held out that "speck of war" for us that Jefferson had once feared. Annexation to the United States was no longer necessary or desirable, provided American interests might be conserved. That proviso, however, was an unavoidable necessity of American policy. McKinley realized this, and kept Congress from committing the United States too quickly to Cuban independence. In his message to Congress of April 11 the President made no reference to a Cuban "government," but spoke of the war between "Spain and the Cuban people," for the insurrectionists had not as yet been recognized even as belligerents. Naturally, the American administration's attitude was not received with whole-hearted enthusiasm by the Cubans in the field. They were quite as little aware of the inevitable position of Cuba in American policy as were the rank and file of people in the United States, and, furthermore, they had endured terrible hardships on behalf of independence, and saw no reason why they should not have it at once. Any thought about their own political inexperience very probably did not occur to many of them, and if it had it would have been rejected as a reflection on those who had risked their lives to win freedom from Spain. So there was some friction between Cubans and Americans, even before the war was over. It seemed to the former that the American officials in Cuba acted as if the Cubans were merely a side-issue in the war. Not much attention was paid to the provisional government of the insurrectionists, or even to Gómez or their other military leaders. Calixto García, who had participated in the operations around Santiago, was not invited to be present at the ceremonies attending the surrender of that city, and General Wood was appointed governor of Oriente without previously consulting the Cuban revolutionary authorities. A sensitive people like the Cubans could not fail to be unfavorably impressed by treatment such as this. Naturally, there was no thought, at least for the time being, of resisting the United States occupation. The Assembly of the Cuban army met in November 1898, and set up a special committee to look out for Cuban interests during the period of American control. The provisional government was thereupon dissolved, but it was decided that the army, with Gómez as commander-in-chief, should be retained. Something has already been said about the Cuban suspicion of American intentions, despite the virtual promise of independence contained in the Joint Resolution of April 20, 1898. Any number of incidents contributed to this, in addition to the fact that annexation in that ultra-imperialistic age was the normally to be expected thing on the part of a country with such a chance as the United States had. Indeed, the altruistic fervor of early '98 was no longer mani fest in the United States in nearly the same degree. People in the street and those in high places were known to subscribe to the doctrine that "the flag, once raised, must never come down." The Washington administration did not swerve from its plans for Cuban independence, but the Cubans could hardly be expected to know that or to put much faith in official pronouncements, however strong. The Cuban leaders accepted the American military government, because there was nothing else they could do, but there was not a little friction, right from the start. Early in 1899 General Calixto García died. Ranking with Gómez and Maceo as one of the three greatest military figures of the Cuban wars, it was natural that his funeral should be a grand and solemn affair. It was held in Havana in February, and was attended by thousands of people. It had been arranged that the Assembly of the Cuban army should march in the procession just behind the American authorities, but when General Brooke's carriage appeared it was observed that he was followed by his staff and some of his military escort. Thereupon the members of the Assembly, under the leadership of Fernando Freyre de Andrade, withdrew, and were followed by many other Cubans in the line. Indeed, it was necessary for the American soldiers to do the honors at the interment of the old Cuban hero, as the Cubans who had been designated for that purpose refused. The scandal of the García funeral had its counterpart in numerous other incidents, all of which were indicative of a certain lack of cordiality or confidence on the part of the Cubans toward the American trusteeship. Something has already been said about the relations of General Brooke with the Cuban Assembly. This body claimed that it was the only legal government in Cuba, and wanted an immediate withdrawal of the United States authorities. It was not supported by conservative opinion in Cuba, however, and when it deposed Gómez on account of his attitude over the bonus issue it lost all standing, as already related, and dissolved itself. It was clear, nevertheless, that steps must constantly be taken in order to allay the all too ready suspicions of many of the Cubans. So one of the early acts of of General Wood was to decree a law of elections, promulgated in April 1900. Several political parties had already been formed, but up to this time they had had no real life. As already pointed out, there was, at best, only a halfhearted hope that the United States would fulfil her pledges, and, besides, there were no issues. Now, however, the parties attained to a new-born vigor, and in casting about for an issue hit upon the duration and character of the American occupation. One of General Wood's cabinet officers, General Ríus Rivera, went so far as to publish a letter advocating the immediate recognition of Cuban independence, on the basis of the Joint Resolution, rejecting the Treaty of Paris. General Wood reminded Ríus Rivera that it was not proper for his Secretaries to unbosom themselves on certain subjects without first consulting him, whereupon Ríus Rivera resigned. Another incident of similar type, serving in the same manner to stir up Cuban opinion over the independence issue, occurred later that year when the French government at first declined to allow the Cuban flag to be raised over the building which was to house the Cuban exhibit. This action was taken on the ground that it would be an affront to Spain, as it would be tantamount to a recognition of a new nation. The United States government took occasion once again to announce that it proposed to fulfil its promise to make Cuba independent, and persuaded the French authorities to permit of the raising of the flag. So, for the moment, the restless elements among the Cuban |