There are more letters of the same sort. But the above are enough. On November 4, 1908, at 11.45 at night, Tomás Estrada Palma died at Santiago. On the 6th as his body was about to be covered with earth Colonel Rafael Manduley del Río, governor of Oriente, pronounced these words: "The man whom we leave here, like every human being, had defects and virtues; like every human being, he made mistakes. But his defects and mistakes were as nothing compared with those virtues which he demonstrated as a loving son, faithful husband, affectionate father, and exemplary citizen. If he was a model in his private life, he was a model also in his honored public life; that is the mirror in which all Cubans ought to look, those that hear me and all the generations of those to come." 36 Though it is a pity to say it, Estrada Palma died just in time, only a few months before the end of the American provisional government. Governor Magoon forthwith issued a decree, on November 7, 1908, granting a pension of five thousand dollars a year to his widow and fifty dollars a month to each of his minor children (two daughters and two sons) until they should reach their majority.37 It is more than doubtful whether the dire straits in which his family found itself would have been relieved if the Liberal government that went into office the following January had then been in power. Indeed, Liberal vindictiveness against Estrada Palma for a time pursued him with relentless fury, seeming all the more ignoble by comparison with the gentle virtues of the fallen Don Tomás. Just prior to his death hostile politicians were encouraging squatters to settle upon his lands, to despoil him of what he had.38 Even toward the dead they showed their spite. The first issue of stamps of Belt, July 5, 1908, quoted in Hon- the Gómez era, 1909-1913, bore no effigy of Don Tomás.39 The oil portrait of the former President was taken down and put in a corner, though in 1911 Sanguily, then in the Cabinet, had the grace to restore it to its place.40 Perhaps the most striking incident of this sort took place on the first anniversary of Estrada Palma's death. On November 4, 1909, a group of students went to the palace to request President Gómez to fly the flag at half mast, out of respect for Estrada Palma. They failed to see the President, but did have some conversation with Orestes Ferrara. Ferrara is a man of whom much good may be said, but not always. This was one of the times when he did not show at his best, reviling the first President before those who had come to do him honor. Thereupon, the students of the high school (instituto) and university went on strike, absenting themselves from classes out of protest against the words of Ferrara. On the 8th Ferrara withdrew them, and the students went back to work. 41 One writer has said that Don Tomás just missed being the Washington of his country. But did he? Cuba today has not yet progressed far enough to appreciate a man of Estrada Palma's stamp. If the republic is to last, however, it must have more men after the model of this fine figure, worthy to stand beside the great men of all countries in all times. If Cuba lives, Estrada Palma may yet be acclaimed her Washington, or her Estrada Palma, which is quite enough.42 items. Perhaps no one thing is quite trada Palma's career, and is quite well satisfactory, however. By all odds the done on the score of technique, makbest and fullest account, despite a not ing a good showing of authorities. too marked Liberal leaning, is the al- Barbarrosa, El proceso de la repúbready oft-cited Martínez Ortiz (v. II). lica, is useful, but inclined to endless Easily next in rank is the Taft and objection and extravagance. This Bacon Report concerning their find- confines itself mainly to the problems ings and experiences in Cuba in 1906. of Cuban agriculture. Collazo, Cuba One of the best features of the Re- intervenida, is a Liberal pamphlet, port is its inclusion of the correspond- containing several essays on this ence of the commissioners and other period, to explain why the intervenuseful contemporary evidences. It is tion came. It is so violent and exat least mildly hostile to Estrada treme that it is more interesting as a Palma and the Moderates, presum- study in Cuban political psychology ably because the commissioners' ad- than as a basis for the epoch of which vice to them was not taken. It also it treats. There is an abundance of omitted "a few sentences containing articles in American periodicals for expressions of opinion regarding per- the events of 1905-1906, but few of sons and things which it is not wise them are particularly useful, except or prudent at this time . . . to make as a reflection of American opinion. public." The correspondence between Several Cuban articles, however, are Roosevelt and Taft has an interest somewhat more important. Naturally, all its own, reflecting the different the public documents of Cuba and temperaments of those two gentle- the United States have much worthmen, quite apart from Cuban history. while material. These years still need Velasco, Estrada Palma, was exceed- further study. ingly useful on isolated phases of Es CHAPTER X THE MAGOON ADMINISTRATION, 1906-1909 THE republic did not cease to exist with the publication of Taft's proclamation of September 29, 1906. That document made it clear that the country was to have a Cuban government, under the Cuban flag, though temporarily in the hands of the United States. The action of the United States met with very nearly unanimous approval; it was obvious that it had been undertaken, not in response to the much vaunted "Yankee imperialism," but unwillingly, and it promised a respite from strife and insecurity. If there were criticisms, they were for the failure to back the Estrada Palma government, or else because the United States would not take over a more thoroughgoing control than she proposed to do under the terms of the Taft proclamation. On this score the following from a Spanish journal, El País of Madrid, is interesting: "As Spaniards we smart from the wounds once inflicted on us by the Yankees ... Now, however, their intervention in the case of Cuba seems worthy of applause. If Cuba be annexed to the United States as an autonomous State peace will be safeguarded there and progress guaranteed."" This accurately represented the sentiments of the thousands of Spaniards in Cuba, who were pro-United States, not from any love of the northern republic, but because they wanted peace for the sake of business. Others of the property-owning, tax-paying class, whether Cubans or foreigners, felt Quoted in How intervention was of reviews, v. XXXIV, pp. 530-532, at brought about, in American review 531; Nov., 1906. 1 the same way, though not disposed to give public expression of their views, from fear of violence when, or if, the United States should withdraw.2 Even the politicians were not unhappy over the turn of affairs, for it had not cost the country its independence and was believed to be the best way out of a bad situation. The Liberals felt that they could make capital out of it by charging it to the Moderates, while the latter were "always in favor of intervention . . they had sought to escape responsibility for it." 3 though For the time being, Taft acted as governor, and busied himself in solving the more immediate problems connected with the reëstablishment of order. Two thousand United States marines were landed at once, and stationed most of them at Camp Columbia, seven miles west of the centre of Havana. A little later, 5600 men under General James Franklin Bell disembarked at the capital, and were distributed to various parts of the island. It was the plan to employ them "as a background to give confidence," using the rural guards for the suppression of disorder. The most pressing thing Taft had to settle concerned disarming and disbanding the insurrectionist forces and the no less difficult task of discharging the national militia, which in some instances was "even more unruly and less disciplined than the insurgents." For the latter, the revolutionary committee agreed that they should lay down their arms, restore any property they had taken, and return to their homes, on the understanding that the United States provisional government would carry out the settlement that Taft and Bacon had suggesed, in so far as it might now be applicable under the changed conditions. The disarming program was 'Cf. Weightman, Richard Coxe, Cuba's American governor, in American review of reviews, v. XXXIV, pp. 556-559, at 559; Nov., 1906. "Taft and Bacon, Report, in U. S., 59th Cong., 2d sess. (1906-1907), ser. no. 5105, House Docs., 465. |