CHAPTER II

THE OLD RÉGIME, TO 1895

ON October 28, 1492, Columbus discovered Cuba. Just where he first touched the coast has never been determined, though every considerable port from Baracoa to Nuevitas has been suggested for the honor. Nineteen years later, in 1511, Diego Velázquez landed in the extreme east at Baracoa, and founded the first Spanish settlement in Cuba. Within a comparatively short time thereafter he effected a conquest of the island, and by 1515 there were no fewer than seven Spanish towns, including Havana (though not at its present site) and Santiago, which date respectively from 1514 and 1515. For a few years Cuba was a flourishing colony, but suffered on account of the expeditions of Cortés, De Soto, and others to Mexico and Florida, which gravely diminished the resources of the island in man-power and wealth. From that time forward for many years the history of Cuba was in most respects that of the typical Spanish colony. Cuba had the same autocratic political, economic, social, and ecclesiastical system that other colonies had, with the same bickerings of the different representatives of the king. The Indians were killed off or died at such a rapid rate that negroes began to be imported at least as early as 1523 to serve as laborers in the mines and fields. Particularly noteworthy in the early years, owing to Cuba's strategic position with reference to Spain's mainland colonies, was the matter of international relationships. Realizing that her empire in America would be imperiled if she lost Cuba, Spain put forth all her strength

to retain the "Pearl of the Antilles." Yet, French, English, and Dutch pirates caused serious embarrassment by their activities in Cuban waters in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Smuggling made its appearance at the same time, continuing in the eighteenth century and becoming the principal basis of the island's wealth.

Absolutism and centralization were the two key-words of Spanish colonial government. The captain-general of Cuba, a royal appointee, virtually had in his hands all functions of government, and exercised them for the island as a whole and also within local units. Other machinery limited his powers to some extent, but rarely proved an insuperable barrier, for any great length of time, to his own predominance in Cuban affairs, subject to the orders of the king. Even the administration of the church, save in matters of faith, was controlled by this official as vice-patron of the king, to whom the popes had granted special powers in America. The economic life of the island was restricted in many ways. Only such products could be raised as would not compete with those of Spain. All commerce was required to be carried on with Spain alone, and then only with a single Spanish port. Spaniards, too, were given first place in the social life of the island. The merest Spanish clerk was the social superior of the wealthiest creoles, as the native-born whites were called. This became most unpleasantly apparent when the young women of Cuba married Spaniards instead of Cubans, if the chance offered, thereby improving their social station. In fine, Spain governed Cuba wholly for the benefit of Spain and Spaniards. Cuba, "the ever faithful isle," was perhaps more patient under these restraints than other parts of the empire, but it is not surprising that a feeling of discontent made its appearance that grew in intensity until the final outburst at the close of the nineteenth century.

Undue trade restrictions, arbitrary and unscientific methods of taxation, and the virtual exclusion of Cubans from government are the three most frequently mentioned causes of Cuban discontent in the nineteenth century. During the reign of the great Charles III (1759-1788) the Spanish government made some concessions to Cuba in the direction of freedom of trade. Far more important, however, was the actual, though illegal, freedom the island enjoyed in the frequently recurring periods of war between Spain and England. At such times Spain was unable to enforce the usual laws of trade, owing to British control of the sea. In 1801 Spain opened Cuba to world commerce, but withdrew this freedom in 1809. Trade with other lands continued in despite of law, however. Making a virtue of necessity, Spain adopted a new policy in 1818, permitting foreign trade, subject to heavy export and import taxes and to certain discriminations in favor of Spain. The Cubans were far from satisfied with the change, however. The system operated harshly at times and was usually inconvenient. In particular there was a growing demand for greater freedom of trade with the United States, the island's best customer. Eventually, in 1891, a reciprocity treaty was made with the United States, but in 1894 it was withdrawn, and the special advantages in favor of Spain were restored. This was one of the immediate causes of the revolution of 1895.

It is probable that the denunciations of Spain on account of the amount and burdensome nature of the taxes have been overdrawn, but their arbitrary and unscientific character can hardly be denied. For example, the laws for the taxation of real estate were not unjust and the rate not excessive, but there was very unequal application of the laws in fact. Favoritism and bribery were notoriously important considerations in assessing valuations. The number and variety of

taxes were another cause for complaint. With its eye on easily collectible revenues the government made a point of taxing necessities in every conceivable way. Thus, the right of slaughtering was sold by the government, but there were also taxes on each animal slaughtered and on dressed meat. There were taxes on fuel, building material, farm produce, and on horses used either for pleasure or in transportation service. License fees had to be paid to the government by lawyers, doctors, brokers, carpenters, shoemakers, and masons. There were taxes on theatres, concerts, balls, cockfights, and other forms of amusement. And there were stamp taxes on legal documents. In all of these cases the application was more objectionable than the taxes themselves. The arbitrary whim of an official and wholesale corruption, even to the point of threatening taxation in order to elicit bribes, were the real determining factors. And yet it is probable that the fundamental dissatisfaction of the Cubans was because they objected to paying any taxes at all that were imposed by Spaniards and not by themselves.

There were some Cubans who held political office under Spanish rule, but almost invariably they were in a subordinate capacity. The captain-general, or (as he eventually came to be called) governor-general, was a Spaniard, and he appointed, or at least dominated, the other officials. Even after provincial and municipal governments were provided for in the nineteenth century, there was no real diminution in his control of local units. The office of captain-general, with its many perquisites, legal or otherwise, was a very lucrative post. A few years usually sufficed to make the incumbent wealthy, and it became the practice to change this officer frequently, as if to give some new individual a chance for the rich returns the position afforded. There were 136 captain-generals in all. Between 1859 and 1898 there

were thirty-eight, an average of more than one a year. This also meant frequent changes of subordinates and a consequent upsetting of administrative stability. Political office for the sake of the office-holder, with scant thought of its place as a position of trust on behalf of the public, was the firmly imbedded tradition of Spanish rule. The desire for political office is almost "epidemic" among Hispanic peoples, and the Cubans were no exception to the rule. To be sure, they had ample cause for complaint. In any event the time came when they wanted the jobs for themselves.

The evils of Spanish rule that have just been recited were only a few out of many. No doubt a far stronger case on this score could be made. It is not necessary to accuse Spain of cruelty or crime, however, or even to insist too much on her lack of forethought or incompetence. The revolution was bound to come, whatever the nature of Spain's rule. At best, Spain might have retained a shadowy title to Cuba by an early grant of such virtual independence as Canada, South Africa, Australia, and New Zealand now enjoy, but even this is doubtful. A comparatively weak country like Spain could not offer the same prestige, protection, and economic advantage that the relation to England gives to the self-governing colonies of the British Empire. The revolution came because Cuba had outgrown the Spanish connection. Despite all the evils that may be cited against Spain in her government of Cuba, that country is deserving of more sympathy than blame. Spain did the best she could, according to her lights. The most severe charge that can be brought against her is not that she committed misdeeds that forced the Cubans to rebel, but that she transmitted to the Cubans themselves some of the worst evils in her own political life, evils that Spain would gladly have overcome if she