52 in damages to property as a result of his seditious acts," although it is probable that no collection was ever made. Gómez remained in prison until September 24, 1917, when he was allowed to depart to his "América" estate. The Conservative historians of the events of 1917 make a great parade of the clemency displayed by the Menocal government in liquidating the revolution. Elsewhere in Hispanic America, they said, "all military men in rebellion would have been shot, without exception ... and almost without asking their names . . . . All would have 'tried to escape, so that it would be necessary to kill them by shooting them from behind'. . . The Cuban people had the satisfaction of knowing that nobody was shot." 53 This is true. A number were condemned to death, and others. subjected to penalties of varying degree, but Menocal reduced all penalties through use of his pardoning power, and on March 18, 1918, an ample amnesty bill was passed. The Liberals were not wholly satisfied with it, since it did not restore all office-holders to their jobs, but it did open the jails, and allowed those who had left the country to return, without fear of punishment.54 It is not necessary to belittle this meritorious achievement of the Menocal administration, but there is another story behind it. It is almost certain that the United States insisted on such a policy; Cabrera speaks vaguely of the success that Ferrara had in getting the United States to guarantee protection. for the lives of Liberals, and says that Minister Gonzales assured other members of the diplomatic corps in Havana that the penalty of death would not be applied to any of the insurrectionist prisoners.55 This accords with general 52 53 Cabrera, 267, n. 3. Merino and Ibarzábal, 283-287. See also Dolz, 35. 54 Cf. infra, p. 533. 55 Cabrera: 201-205; 205, n. 1. opinion in Cuba. The following statement made to the writer on October 20, 1924, is representative of what one usually hears: "Recently the Conservatives have had a great deal to say about the magnanimity of Menocal in 1917, and, indeed, there was general leniency at that time, but only under compulsion of Secretary Lansing. Menocal wanted to execute Gómez and some of the others concerned in the insurrection, but Lansing insisted to Pablo Desvernine that there was to be 'no blood.' Desvernine was at that time Secretary of State, but was in Washington on a visit.' There is no clear evidence, however, that United States pressure was required, and therefore it is only fair to give the Menocal government credit on the basis of what it did. On May 8, 1917, Congress met to proclaim the victorious candidates, and Menocal and Núñez were declared the winners by eighty-six electoral votes to thirty-six. The Liberals had drawn up a formal protest, the day before, against the validity of the elections, and this document was presented at the meeting, but was rejected.57 More to the point, however, was that some forty Liberal congressmen, at the suggestion of Zayas, so it is said,58 attended the session, when without their presence there would have been no quorum. At least one Liberal, who had risked his life in the field, was disgusted at this easy acquiescence of the politicians of his party in the victory of Menocal.59 On May 9 there was a fresh attempt to assassinate Menocal, or, at least, so government reports of the 10th alleged, although Cabrera called it "a tragic farce . . . to heap discredit before the powerful ally against the defeated Liberals.” 61 On May 56 This whole subject was discussed in an anti-Menocal article in Heraldo de Cuba, Oct. 29, 1924. 57 The Liberal protest is in Cabrera, 395-398, and Pardo Suárez, 163-168. 68 Merino and Ibarzábal, 250. 20 Menocal went through the ceremony of inaugural for a second term, taking the oath to "respect the law and the institutions of the country." Thus were the elections of 1917 brought to their "logical" conclusion! 62 62 The elections of 1916 and more vative point of view in the Merino particularly their sequel the Revolu- and Ibarzábal history. This makes tion of February have a vast body of materials comparable in quantity with the parallel period of 1905-1906. Trelles mentions a number of items, but there are two that stand out. One of these is the volume by Cabrera, which is an engaging literary work as well as a valuable source-book for the events of 1916-1917. This is a narrative of Cabrera's own experiences as a Liberal emissary in the United States, but in writing it, says Cabrera, "I present the picture of what surrounds me: the medium of my struggles and sufferings, the individuals, the collectivity, the com plete scene of my own legend.” Cabrera writes as a Liberal partisan, not as a historian, but there is a note of sincerity that is impossible to escape, and the volume (especially the second edition, which the writer used) is so well bolstered with documents in appendices and footnotes that it takes rank as one of the leading works in the field of Cuban historiography. On the other hand, one finds a presentation from the Conser a pretence of impartiality, though it is in fact a rather crudely partisan Menocal pamphlet. But it is the only work that covers these exciting years as a whole, and it introduces documentary evidence and a point of view which serve as a check on Liberal accounts. The greater part of this volume (pages 89 to 287 of the second edition) is devoted to the period of the war, with a detailed story of the campaigns. All other books and pamphlets referring to these years are of a highly specialized character, such as personal reminiscences, legal briefs, arguments, and the like. Naturally, with a disputed election and a civil war to deal with, there are many articles on Cuban affairs at this time. Among the most important in American periodicals is the one by Marvin, cited here, while there were a number of other formal articles or editorial utterances worthy of at least some attention. Johnson, IV, 328-345, has a chapter on this subject, but it is not too well informed. CHAPTER XVII GOING DOWN: MENOCAL'S SECOND TERM, 1917-1921 THE inauguration of Menocal for a second term on May 20, 1917, in a sense marked a new turn in the history of the republic. Down to this time, although matters had been getting steadily worse, there had been something commendable in each administration and not a few reputable men, greatly outnumbered to be sure, in the field of politics. But from 1917 on, at least to May 20, 1925, it is hard to find anything good to say about anybody or anything in the conduct of the Cuban state. If some honest and capable citizens still held important government posts, they were without influence and almost without voice to check the rapidly growing evils in Cuban affairs. Menocal himself seems to have changed from the man of high purposes who took over the presidential toga in 1913, or at least to have become reconciled to a corrupt ambient which he had at first decried. At the outset of Menocal's new term Cuba found herself in the midst of the great World War. It would hardly be claimed by anybody that Cuba "won the war" or that she contributed very substantially to the result, but her achievement was respectable. In his message of April 6 Menocal took the same position as that already announced by President Wilson against unrestricted submarine warfare, but he also made a special point of the republic's close ties with the United States, holding that Cuba could not, "without loss of dignity and decorum, show indifference to the noble attitude assumed by the United States." He went on to explain that Cuba could not remain neutral, as that would compel her to treat all belligerents alike, which should not be done as against the United States, her "friend and ally."1 Four German steamers in Havana and two more at other ports were at once seized by the Cuban government and turned over to the United States. On the score of the "conduct of the war" in Cuba, matters were handled very much as they were in the neighboring republic to the north, minus a great deal of the excitement. Under the leadership of the President's wife, Red Cross work was organized. Cuba contributed generously to the United States Liberty loans. There were the various meatless and wheatless days. Some Cuban officers went to United States training camps, while several camps were also established in Cuba. A hospital unit of a hundred doctors and nurses was despatched to France. The American, French, and Belgian national holidays (July 4, 14, and 21) were observed in Cuba. The United States declaration of war against Austria was followed by a Cuban declaration of December 16, 1917, specifically because of the United States action. There were numerous resounding pronouncements of Cuban accord with the United States. And finally, first among the nations of the world, Cuba in 1923 paid her war debt to the United States; it amounted to less than seven million dollars, but payment was in full.2 The one really important achievement of Cuba in the war was in vastly increasing the output of sugar, which was an indispensable product for the allies. To be sure, a very 'The Menocal message is in Merino and Ibarzábal, 244-247. A portion of it in an English translation is in Johnson, IV, 346-348. 2 For an account of Cuba's participation in the war, see an article by Menocal, Cuba's part in the World War, in Current history, v. IX, pt. I, pp. 315-318; Nov., 1918. There is also a highly laudatory chapter in Johnson, IV, 346-354. |