it is not,

since been without the field of public controversy, and what the general said of him was more in sorrow than in anger. indeed, until one visits Lafayette at home that he realizes the truly paternal character of his feelings toward America. His solicitude is for the whole nation, and in the exercise of that feeling he overlooks the bickerings and controversies which disturb our domestic peace. While listening to him I involuntarily yielded to the belief, that if he were among us, his example and his teachings would produce among us greater mutual forbearance, and greater purity of individual purpose. But in this I doubtless erred. It is not in the nature of political controversies to yield to such high and redeeming influences, and even Lafayette himself, if among us, would retain his influence only as that influence was thrown into the scale of popular opinion on one side or the other. Have we not now, in a political sense, "Moses and the prophets? If we will not hear them neither would we hear though one were sent from the dead."

The more immediate and engrossing theme of French politics next became the subject of conversation, and, I confess, it was with feelings strangely compounded of surprise and gratification, that I heard the patriot general describe the events of the Revolution of three days, with as much simplicity as if the recital concerned only a village excitement. I was glad to hear the general on this subject. It relieved my own mind of the uncomfortable belief I had indulged, that he had been governed by caprice in his abandonment of Louis Philippe, and, if possible, exalted him still higher in my respect and admiration; as I am sure it would in the admiration and esteem of our countrymen, could I communicate the recital to them. He said, Louis Philippe had abandoned the principles the profession of which brought him to the throne, and he therefore abandoned him. "It has been said," continued the general, "that I made him king. That is not true. It is true, however, that I consented he should be king, and without my consent he could not have been king. It was not without doubts that I acted thus far in the matter. But what was to be done? The people had achieved a revoluThe chamber of deputies contained a large majority of whigs, there were many republicans among them. But such a horror in regard to republicanism existed in France on account of the terrible scenes of the republic of 1793, that nobody was

tion.

willing to renew the experiment yet. The great desire of all was to have the revolution terminated, because, although the people had behaved with the greatest moderation and prudence thus far, the deputies were apprehensive that, unless the government was immediately established they would become turbulent, anarchy would ensue, and the bloody scenes of '93 be re-enacted. What was to be done?" continued Lafayette. "The only one of the Bonaparte family whom it was practicable to call to the throne, was the young duke of Reichstadt; and he was a minor, an invalid, in the hands of the Austrians, and had been educated by them; and, it was natural to believe, was imbued with the prepossessions, and prejudices, and principles of that court. Besides, the name of Bonaparte was associated with the recollections of a despotism. The throne of a successor must be rendered safe by a return, in a great measure, to the same principles, and thus there were insuperable objections to a restoration of the Napoleon dynasty. We could not safely proclaim a republic; we had no republican army to rely upon, nor could such a government, at this time, secure the confidence of the people, and we knew well that, no sooner should it be established, than we should have all Europe combined against us. The attention of all the actors in the revolution," said Lafayette, "was preoccupied by Louis Philippe, with whom I was little acquainted. I knew that in his youth he had been a republican; he had talents and information; he was a little too fond of money, but had hitherto behaved, as a man, very well, especially in America. The general sentiment indicated Louis Philippe, but it was agreed that, before he should be created king, he should be seen, and his sentiments and principles should be ascertained, and he should be bound to a constitutional monarchy, which would be so framed as to be the first great advance to a republic. I left the people at the Hotel de Ville, and visited Louis Philippe. The first thing he said to me was, 'General Lafayette! what is to be done?' I told him he was well aware that I was a republican, that to me the constitution of the United States seemed the best government that had ever been devised by man. He answered that his sentiments precisely accorded with mine, and no man could be in America, as he had been, two years and not be convinced that the American government was the best that could be framed; but,' said he, 'what shall be done? You know,' con

tinued Louis Philippe, 'the prejudices and alarms concerning a republic entertained by the people. We can not depend upon the army; half the troops are Carlists, and we shall have all Europe down upon us as soon as we proclaim a republic.' I answered," said Lafayette, "that I was aware of all this, and therefore thought, as it was most desirable to give quiet to France, and to consumate the revolution, it was best to establish, at present, a monarchy, but as much a limited monarchy as possible, and to surround it with republican institutions, which would prepare the way by educating the people, for establishing, as soon as might be prudent, a republic. Louis Philippe declared these were the very thoughts he had entertained, and he fully accorded in them. I returned," added Lafayette, "to the Hotel de Ville, and announced to the people that the sentiments of the duke of Orleans accorded with our own, and he was then, as you know, made king. We had him swear to a charter containing two fundamental principles, one the superiority of the people, and the responsibility of the government to them; and the other universal suffrage. And he pledged himself that laws should be passed, to commence immediately the work of general education. I was made lieutenant-general of the kingdom. I did not wish to accept the office, but it seemed necessary to satisfy the people, and attach them to the government; besides, if I should not accept it, it would furnish occasion to say, that I wanted to be king myself. I therefore accepted it, and, for a short time, all went on well. Louis Philippe promised to support Italy and the liberal cause throughout Europe. Excited by our example and success," said Lafayette, "the republican cause commenced in Poland, Belgium, and Italy. It met the resistance we had anticipated, and looked to us for support. Louis Philippe had not courage to sustain the republicans as he had promised: I remonstrated, he insisted, and finally abandoned them to their fate. Then he became very desirous I should resign. Alarms were now entertained or affected, lest the office I held might, in the hands of my successor, be too powerful; but they were unwilling to deprive me of it. I was more desirous to resign it than they that I should. I felt that I could no longer hold it in justice to myself and my principles. Louis Philippe had already begun to lay the foundation of a new Bourbon dynasty which should be perpetual, instead of so wielding the VOL. III.-38

government as to introduce a republic as he had promised ine. In this I would have no part. I was a citizen of the United States a republican. I knew that my name was associated with the cause of liberty and republicanism, wherever that cause was cherished. I never intended to seek or hold office merely for the sake of office, under any government, but had accepted my post merely to advance the general cause. I could not, therefore, retain it without giving the sanction of my name, whatever might be its worth, to the principles of the new dynasty; and that would have been to violate the great general principles of government which I entertained, and to discourage the friends of republican government throughout Europe. I therefore resigned. Louis Philippe has since said that he made no engagement with me, preparatory to his being created king, concerning the principles of his government. As soon as I learned this from a source sufficiently authentic to rely upon, I sent word to him that I should not any longer go to the Tuilleries, and thus the breach was completed."

After some reminiscences of his tour in the United States, and the renewal of his pressing invitation to visit La Grange, the general permitted us to take leave. I have thus, my dear friend, given you the details of our first and very interesting interview, I am sure that it is substantially correct, as I transcribe it from notes made immediately after my return to our lodgings. Every word sank deep in my memory, for I listened to the venerable man's narrative with an interest hardly less intense than that with which mortal ears listen to the communication of the messenger of Heaven. I have but one reflection to add. Does not this simple relation show that Lafayette has acted, throughout the late revolution in France, in the closest keeping with his former principles Regarding as his highest character that of being an American citizen, the scholar and associate of Washington, and the representative of republicanism in Europe, he guarded his conduct with reference to the obligations resting upon him in that character, and with a view, not to personal advantage, nor even to the temporary security of the French nation, but to the ultimate triumph of free principles and the establishment of republican governments. None can censure him for his abandonment of Louis Philippe, unless he be prepared to adopt the principle of Louis Philippe's government, that republican

governments can never be established in Europe-a principle at war with Lafayette's principles through his whole life, and which he could not adopt without inconsistency so gross as to forfeit his entire claim to the homage of mankind-a principle which would deprive him of all the respect and affection of the American people.

LETTER XIV.

LAFAYETTE AT LA GRANGE.

LA GRANGE, September 11, 1833.

I KNOW you will be gratified by the date of this letter. How rich is the enjoyment of such a visit as this to the venerable patriarch and his family. The reproach of tourists is that they are vain and coxcombical. I am proud of this achievement, and I will be vain of it as long as I live, and I will inflict not only long letters upon you about La Grange, but I will dwell upon it when I return and ever afterward.

Yesterday morning, "in pursuance of previous arrangement,” we left Paris in the coupe of a diligence at eight o'clock. We passed Vincennes, its prisons and its forests, and followed some distance the route of the Seine. About six miles of our journey were completed, when we found it necessary to descend and walk up the long hill, so as to relieve the horses. We were richly repaid for our muddy walk up the hill, by a fine view of the windings of the Seine for six miles, ending with the towers of Nôtre Dame and the Pantheon. The sun deigned to smile upon us, and we found the appearance of the country delightful after our long residence in Paris. We passed through several mean villages, among which were La Queene, which exhibits the remains of a chateau.

A

A solitary tower broken off at the top, but still seventy feet high, is all that remains. The villagers raise fruit and vegetables in what were the court-yard and drawing-room. tattered tri-colored flag waves from the highest turret, and has probably weathered all the storms since the revolution of 1830. Tournau and Fontenay, two market-towns, lay on our road. At two o'clock we arrived at Rosoit, a village of about two thousand