« PreviousContinue »
LUCIUS Q. C. LAMAR 175
public debate, but in the abandon of personal confidence. I know well the sentiments of these my Southern friends, whose hearts are so infolded that the feeling of each is the feeling of all; and I see on both sides only the seeming of a constraint which each apparently hesitates to dismiss.
The South—prostrate, exhausted, drained of her life-blood as well as her material resources, yet still honorable and true—accepts the bitter award of the bloody arbitrament without reservation, resolutely determined to abide the result with chivalrous fidelity. Yet, as if struck dumb by the magnitude of her reverses, she suffers on in silence. The North, exultant in her triumph and elevated by success, still cherishes, as we are assured, a heart full of magnanimous emotions towards her disarmed and discomfited antagonist; and yet, as if under some mysterious spell, her words and acts are words and acts of suspicion and distrust. Would that the spirit of the illustrious dead, whom we lament to-day, could speak from the grave to both parties to this deplorable discord, in tones which would reach each and every heart throughout this broad territory. My countrymen I know one another and you will love one another. -
GEORGE F. HOAR (1826 —)
THE ELOQUENT ADVOCATE OF ANTI-IMPERIALISM
ritorial acquisitions of the United States to which it led, brought
this country face to face with fresh governmental problems, some of which were very difficult to solve. This was especially the case with the Philippine acquisition, our new island group in the Pacific, with its varied and restless inhabitants, many of them unmanageable from a noble cause, that of the desire for independence. In this they found many sympathizers in the United States, who accused the Re
publican party leaders of a tendency to imperialism in their endeavor to subject the Filipino insurrectionists. Prominent among these was Senator George F. Hoar, who from his seat in the Senate and on the lecture platform earnestly advocated the rights of the “under dog” in this Asiatic fight. Hoar has long been acknowledged as a man of fine statesmanship and of unimpeachable integrity, his high moral character giving weight to all his utterances.
THE ORDINANCE OF 1787
[As a good example of Senator Hoar's oratory we offer an extract from his address at Marietta, Ohio, in 1888, during the celebration of the hundredth anniversary of the settlement of the Buckeye State, of which Marietta was the pioneer town. Many readers, indeed, may ask what was the Ordinance “that is here placed on an equality with the Declaration of Independence.” In answer it may be stated that this celebrated ordinance was that establishing the Northwestern Territory, north of the Ohio and east of the Mississippi, its significant feature being the declaration that slavery should be forever excluded from that Territory. It was this decree which Senator Hoar had in mind wheu he stated that the two declarations in question “devote the nation to Equality, Education, Religion, and Liberty.”]
T HE war between the United States and Spain, and the new ter
We are not here to celebrate an accident. What occurred here was
premeditated, designed, foreseen. If there be in the universe a Power
which ordains the course of history, we cannot fail to see in the settlement
GEORGE F. HOAR 177
of Ohio an occasion when the human will was working in harmony with its own. The events move onward to a dramatic completeness. Rufus Putnam lived to see the little colony, for whose protection against the savage he had built what he described as “the strongest fortification in the United States,” grow to nearly a million of people, and become one of the most powerful States of the confederacy. The men who came here had earned the right to the enjoyment of liberty and peace, and they enjoyed the liberty and peace they had earned. The men who had helped win the war of the Revolution did not leave the churches and schools of New England to tread over again the thorny path from barbarism to civilization, or from despotism to self-government. When the appointed time had come, and “God uncovered the land That He hid, of old time, in the West, As the sculptor uncovers the statue When he has wrought his best,”—
then, and not till then, the man, also, was at hand.
It is one of the most fortunate circumstances of our history that the vote in the Continental Congress was substantially unanimous. Without the accompaniment of the Ordinance, the Constitution of the United States itself would have lost half its value. It was fitting that the whole country should share in the honor of that act which, in a later generation, was to determine the fate of the whole country.
We would not forget, to-day, the brave men and noble women who represented Connecticut, and Rhode Island, and New Hampshire, in the band of pioneers. Among them were Parsons, and Meigs, and Varnum, and Greene, and Devol, and True, and Barker, and the Gilmans. Connecticut made, a little later, her own special contribution to the settlement of Ohio. Both Virginia and Massachusetts have the right to claim, and to receive, a peculiar share of the honor which belongs to this occasion. They may well clasp each other's hands anew, as they survey the glory of their work. The two States, the two oldest of the sisterhood, —the State which framed the first written Constitution, and the State whose founders framed the compact on the Mayflower; the State which produced Washington, and the State which summoned him to his high command ; the State whose son drafted the Declaration of Independence, and the State which furnished its leading advocate on the floor; the mother of John Marshall, and the mother of the President who appointed him; the State which gave the General, and the State which furnished the largest number of soldiers to the Revolution ; the State which gave the territory of the Northwest, and the State which gave its first settlers,
178 GEORGE F. HOAR
—may well delight to remember that they share between them the honor of the authorship of the Ordinance of 1787. When the reunited country shall erect its monument at Marietta, let it bear on one side the names of the founders of Ohio, on the other side the names of Jefferson and Richard Henry Lee, and Carrington and Grayson, side by side with those of Nathan Dane and Rufus King and Manasseh Cutler, beneath the supreme name of Washington. Representatives of Virginia and Massachusetts, themselves in some sense representatives of the two sections of the country which so lately stood against each other in arms, they will bear witness that the estrangements of four years have not obliterated the common and tender memories of two centuries. Forever honored be Marietta, as another Plymouth ! The Ordinance belongs with the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. It is one of the three title-deeds of American constitutional liberty. As the American youth, for uncounted centuries, shall visit the capital of his country, strongest, richest, freest, happiest of the nations of the earth,< from the stormy coast of New England, from the luxurious regions of the Gulf, from the prairie and the plain, from the Golden Gate, from far Alaska, -he will admire the evidences of its grandeur and the monuments of its historic glory. He will find there rich libraries and vast museums, which show the product of that matchless inventive genius of America which has multiplied a thousand-fold the wealth and comfort of human life. He will see the simple and modest portal through which the great line of the Republic's chief magistrates have passed, at the call of their country, to assume an honor surpassing that of emperors and kings, and through which they have returned, in obedience to her laws, to take their place again as equals in the ranks of their fellow-citizens. He will stand by the matchless obelisk which, loftiest of human structures, is itself but the imperfect type of the loftiest of human characters. He will gaze upon the marble splendors of the Capitol, in whose chambers are enacted the statutes under which the people of a continent dwell together in peace, and the judgments are rendered which keep the forces of States and nation, alike, within their appointed bounds. He will look upon the records of great wars and the statues of great commanders. But, if he know his country's history, and consider wisely the sources of her glory, there is nothing in all these which will so stir his heart as two fading and timesoiled papers whose characters were traced by the hand of the fathers one hundred years ago. They are the original records of the Acts which devoted this nation, forever, to Equality, to Education, to Religion, and to Liberty. One is the Declaration of Independence, the other is the Ordinance of 1787.
JOHN J. INGALLS (1833-1900)
lem than that which arose before it after the close of the Civil War, when the question of reconstruction of the subject States, and their restoration to their old place in the National Union, demanded a solution. For four years Congress wrestled vigorously, almost desperately, with this problem, the difficulty being tenfold enhanced by the deadlock which existed between the President and the legislative bodies. In the country as in Congress a great diversity of opinion existed, some favoring an unpledged return of the seceded States, others being far more severe in their demands. Among the latter was John James Ingalls of Kansas, who was so bitter in his views of reconstruction, that he was denounced for “shaking the bloody shirt.” Yet by nature he was genial and sympathetic, characteristics which are strongly indicated in the selection which we append. A fluent orator and an able debater, he became a State Senator of Kansas in 1861, and in 1873 was elected to the United States Senate, in which he sat for three successive terms. From 1887 to 1891 he officiated as president pro tempore of the Senate.
N EVER had our country faced a more serious and difficult prob
THE UNDISCOVERED COUNTRY
[Few eulogies in the halls of Congress have been abler and more suggestive than that which Senator Ingalls pronounced upon his late associate, Benjamin H. Hill, in the Senate chamber, January 25, 1883. Its opening reference to “the undiscovered country,” is especially beautiful. The oration has won fame as a noble example of eloquence.]
Ben Hill has gone to the undiscovered country. Whether his jour
ney thither was but one step across an imperceptible frontier, or whether
an interminable ocean, black, unfluctuating, and voiceless, stretches