HARCOURT SIR IR WILLIAM GEORGE GRANVILLE VENABLES VERNON HARCOURT, a distinguished English statesman, the grandson of a former archbishop of York, was born October 14, 1827, and educated at Trinity College, Cambridge University, where he won high honors. Called to the bar at the Inner Temple in 1854, he became queen's counsel in 1866, professor of international law at Cambridge University in 1869, and was solicitor-general, 1873-74. He entered Parliament as Liberal member for Oxford in 1868 and was secretary of state for the home department in 1880. On the fall of the Liberal party in 1885 he went out of office, but on their return to power in January, 1886, he was made chancellor of the exchequer, to which post he was again appointed in 1892. From 1880 to 1895 he represented Derby in the House of Commons, but has since sat for West Monmouthshire. He is among the most prominent debaters in the House and an impressive orator, his oration upon Gladstone before the Commons being especially memorable. His budget of 1894, which created a great sensation on its appearance, is usually accounted his greatest achievement. In 1899 he retired from the Liberal leadership and now sits in the House as a private member. He was one of the original contributors to the "Saturday Review," and his "Historicus" letters "Review "? on international law to the and the " Times were collected in a volume in 1883. GOOD WILL TO AMERICA SPEECH AT BREAKFAST HELD IN LONDON IN HONOR OF MALL as are the pretensions which, on any account, I SM can have to present myself to the attention of this remarkable assemblage, I have had no hesitation in answering the call which has just been made upon me by discharging a duty which is no less gratifying to me than I know it will be agreeable to you - that of proposing that the thanks of this meeting be offered to the chairman for his presidence over us to-day Every one who admires Mr. Garrison for the qualities on account of which we have met to do him honor on this occasion, must feel that there is a singular appropriate 1 ness in the selection of the person who has presided here to-day. No one can fail to perceive a striking similarity - I might almost say a real parallelism of greatness in the careers of these two eminent persons. Both are men who, by the great qualities of their minds, and the uncompromising spirit of justice which has animated them, have signally advanced the cause of truth and vindicated the rights of humanity. Both have been fortunate enough in the span of their own lifetime to have seen their efforts in the promotion of great ends crowned by triumphs as great as they could have desired, and far greater than they could have hoped. There is no cause with which the name of Mr. Bright has been associated which has not sooner or later won its way to victory. I shall not go over the ground which has been so well dealt with by those who have preceded me. But though there have been many abler interpreters of your wishes and aspirations to-day than I can hope to be, may I be permitted to join my voice to those which have been raised up in favor of the perpetual amity of England and America. It seems to me that with nations, as well as with individuals, greatness of character depends chiefly on the degree in which they are capable of rising above the low, narrow, paltry interests of the present, and of looking forward with hope and with faith into the distance of a great futurity. And where, I will ask, is the future of our race to be found? I may extend the question where is to be found the future of mankind? Who that can forecast the fortunes of the ages to come will not answer it is in that great nation which has sprung from our loins, which is flesh of our flesh and bone of our bone. The stratifications of history are full of the skeletons of ruined kingdoms and of races that are no more. Where 1 1 John Bright. are Assyria and Egypt, the civilization of Greece, the universal dominion of Rome? They founded empires of conquest, which have perished by the sword by which they rose. Is it to be with us as with them? I hope not-I think not. But if the day of our decline should arise, we shall at least have the consolation of knowing that we have left behind us a race which shall perpetuate our name and reproduce our greatness. Was there ever parent who had juster reason to be proud of its offspring? Was there ever child that had more cause for gratitude to its progenitor? From whom but us did America derive those institutions of liberty, those instincts of government, that capacity of greatness, which has made her what she is, and which will yet make her that which she is destined to become? These are things which it becomes us both to remember and to think upon. And, therefore, it is that, as our distinguished guest, with innate modesty, has already said, this is not a mere personal festivity - this is no occasional compliment. We see in it a deeper and wider significance. We celebrate in it the union of two nations. While I ask you to return your thanks to our chairman, I think I may venture also to ask of our guest a boon which he will not refuse us. We have a great message to send, and we have here a messenger worthy to bear it. I will ask Mr. Garrison to carry back to his home the prayer of this assembly and of this nation that there may be forever and forever peace and good will between England and America. For the good will of America and England is nothing less than the evangel of liberty and of peace. And who more worthy to preside over such a gospel than the chairman to whom I ask you to return your thanks to-day? I beg to propose that the thanks of the meeting be given to Mr. Bright. BAYARD THOMAS FRANCIS BAYARD, a noted American statesman, whose father, national Senate, was born in Wilmington, Delaware, October 29, 1828. He was educated at a private school in Flushing, Long Island, and after studying law with his father was admitted to the bar in 1851 and began the practice of his profession in his native city. He entered Congress in 1869 as successor in the Senate to his father, James A. Bayard, and served there continuously until 1885, leading the Democratic minority for much of that period. He served on many congressional committees, and was a member of the electoral commission in 1876-77. During the four years of President Cleveland's first administration Bayard was secretary of state, and after four more years passed in the exercise of his profession at Wilmington was appointed the first ambassador to Great Britain in 1893. His social tact and his eloquence made him popular in England. He returned to the United States on the expiration of his term of office in March, 1897, and died at Dedham, Massachusetts, September 28, 1898. Bayard was a man of the most scrupulous integrity, who commanded the respect of all parties. A number of his speeches were issued singly, but no collection has been made. ON THE UNITED STATES ARMY [From an address on "Unwritten Law," delivered before the Phi Beta Kappa Society of Harvard University, June 28, 1877.] T HE army of the United States, like the militia of the several States, is the creation of their respective legislation; like the "princes and lords" of Goldsmith's verse,—— "A breath can make them, as a breath hath made." "He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies, without the consent of the legislature," was one of the facts justifying revolution, "submitted to a candid world," by the founders of this government. So long as human nature remains unchanged, the final argument of force can not be disregarded; but, outside and beyond the will of the people expressed by law, an American army cannot exist; it is but their instrument for their own service. It is wholly dependent upon them; and they are never dependent upon it, and never will be while civil liberty exists in sub stance among us. When called into existence, the army represents the military spirit of the whole nation, and is supported by the enthusiasm and pride of all. It is composed of American valor, skill, and energy, and is dedicated to the glory of our common country, whose history contains no brighter pages than those which record the naval and military achievements of her sons; but neither army nor navy stands now, nor ever did, nor ever will, toward the American people in the relation of policemen to a turbulent crowd. And those who would wish to see it placed in such an attitude, and employed in such work, are short-sighted indeed, and little regard the true dignity of the American soldier, or the real security of the American citizen. The army of the United States is born of the martial spirit of a brave people, and is the product of national courage. This hall is hallowed as a memorial of the valor and devotion of those gallant youths who made themselves part of the army, at a time when they felt their country needed their service, and who freely offered up their lives upon the altar of patriotism. "O, those who live are heroes now, and martyrs those who sleep." Their surviving companions have returned to the paths of civil life, and the community is gladdened by their presence and strengthened by their example. If, to-morrow, the individuals who compose the army of the United States |